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Photoc^-apliic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14SB0 

(716)  "J/J-ASOS 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historicai  Microreproductions 


Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographlques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  v'hich  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  ^r  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  metxod  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□ 


D 


n 


n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pelliculde 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

□    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Plane 


iches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tighr  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serree  peut  causer  de  Tornbre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intdrieure 

Blank  leaves  addod  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
11  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  film^es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires; 


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point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  methods  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu^s  ci-dessous. 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/oi 

Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pellicul6es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxec 
Pages  ddcolordes,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d^tachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materia 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

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Seule  Edition  disponible 


I  I  Pages  damaged/ 

j  I  Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 

I  I  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 

I  I  Pages  detached/ 

I  I  Showthrough/ 

I  I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I  I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I  I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obbcurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmdes  d  nouveau  de  faqon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


□ 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Dana  Porter  Arts  Library 
University  of  Waterloo 


L'exemplaire  fllm6  fut  reproduit  grdcn  d  la 
g6n6rosit6  de: 

Dana  Porter  Arts  Library 
University  of  Waterloo 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  jvith  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^-  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  images  s'jivantes  ont  6tii  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetd  de  l'exemplaire  film6,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimde  sont  film^s  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmds  en  commergant  par  la 
premidre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — •►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  gtre 
filmds  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmd  d  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n^cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  m^thode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

COLLECTIONS 


OF    THE 


MAINE   HISTORICAL   SOCIETY. 


SECOND    SERIES. 


DOCUMENTARY 


HISTORY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MAINE. 


VOL.  II. 


CONTAINING    A 


Discourse  on  Wester:^^  Planting, 

Written  in  the  Yeak  1584, 
By  RICHARD   HAKLUYT. 

SUtt^  a  Prifacc  antj  an  3rntroUuttton 
By    LEONARD    WOODS,   LL.D., 

LATE  PEKSIDENT  OP  BOWDOIN  COILEQE. 


EDITED,   WITH  NOTES   IN   THE   APPENDIX, 

By  CHARLES   DEANE. 


PUBLISHED   BY   THE    MAINE    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY,    AIDED    BY 
APPKOPRIATIONS   FROM    THE    STATE. 


CAMBRIDGE: 

PRESS    OF   JOHN    WILSON   AND    SON. 


1377. 


.:--o^^ 


^1 


I 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1877,  by  the 

Maine  IIistokical  Society, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  AVasliington. 


CONTENTS. 


Note  of  th::  Standing  Committee ^^^" 

Editorial  Note  by  Charles  Deane xiii 

Preface  bt  Dr.  Woods    . 

XV 

Introduction  by  Dr.  Woods 

'        •        •        •         •        aXV 

Hakluyt's  Discourse 

Appendix:  Notes  by  the  Editor,  Charles  Deane  .     169 

Index    ... 

243 


i 


NOTE  OF  THE  STANDING  COMMITTEE. 


Ti,K  Stan.I.ng  Committee  of  ti.e  Maine  Ilistorieal  Society 
".■e  WH-y,  after  so  long  <Ielay,  to  offe..  t„  it,  memLc,^ 
ai«l  fnonds  th,8  seeon.l  volume  of  tl,e  series  of  "  Docu- 
mcntary  Ilistory,"  under  the  generous  auspices  of  tl,e 
■State.  Tl.ongl,  an  annual  yolun.e  ,yas  contemplated  by 
e  resolye  of  tl.e  Legislature,  it  soon  became  apparent 

tha  so  frequent  an  issue  could  not  be  kept  up  with  credit 
o  the  State  or  the  Society.  The  long  interyal  since  the  first 
•olurae  appeared,  however,  ha.s  been  occasioned  not  only 

by  the  labor  necessarily  connected  with  the  work  in  hand, 

but  ,na,n^y  by  the  disastrous  fire  which  destroyed  the  librar; 

o       ..Woods  and  several  rare  volumes  besides  essential 

>..cl  prepared  as  an  Introduction  to  the  Discourse  of  Hak- 
luyt  wh.eh  was  waiting  o,dy  for  his  final  revision  for  the 

bTthe  !^;^"  .f  °-V"^  "™"'  "'---.S^ent  caused 
by  the  cahamity ,   and,  after  he    had  begun  the  unwel 

come  effort  of  recovering  what  had  been  fost,  th    p Z: 

tuhe  ;  "  ,  *'t  '""-"^  '"•>"•  """•  '""eei'threat- 
cn«l  he  cnfre  loss  of  the  fruits  of  his  diligent  and  suc- 
c  ssful  research.    In  this  emergency,  the  Committee,  under 

bcmg  able  to  make  an  arrangement  as  set  forth  in  the  fol- 
lowing  paper  from  their  records  : 


v:n 


NOTE   OF   THE   STANDING   COMMITTEE. 


"  Whereas,  Dr.  Clmrles  Deano  and  Dr.  Leonard  Woods 
liavo  boon  jointly  engiifjed  for  sonic  montliH  in  pro])uiing 
for  pnbliiiiition,  for  the  Maine  Ilistoricul  Society,  'i  Dis- 
conrso  of  Richard  Ilakluyt ;  and  whereas,  under  their 
Hnporintendenco,  the  stereotyping  of  said  work  is  com- 
pleted, and  some  advance  has  been  made  towards  preparing 
Notes  and  an  Introdnction  for  the  s.ame,  which  aro  not  com- 
pleted in  consequence  of  the  impaired  state  of  Dr.  Woods's 
health,  —  therefore  voted,  that  Dr.  Deano  bo  recjuested  by 
the  i  ""nding  Committee  to  assume  the  sole  charge  of  the 
pid)licaiion  of  this  work,  to  finisli  what  has  been  begun, 
and  to  write  de  novo  what  remains  to  be  written,  all  on 
the  same  i)lan  as  lias  been  entered  upon  l)y  them,  and  thus 
far  been  so  harmoniously  and  satisfactorily  pursued." 

The  Well-known  accomplislnnents  of  Mr.  Dcane,  and  his 
special  familiarity  with  the  topics  suggested  by  the  matter 
in  hand,  justify  the  Committee  in  congratulating  the  So- 
ciety, the  State,  and  all  who  have  been  anticipating  so 
interesting  an  accession  to  our  material  of  historical  facts 
and  discourses,  on  this  fortunate  arrangement. 


It  is  well  known  that  other  European  powers  preceded 
the  English  in  enterprises  of  discovery  and  colonization 
towards  the  Western  Continent.  But  during  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  the  impulse  in  this  direction  was  surprisingly 
developed  in  the  English  nation.  As  is  remarked  by  Froude  : 
"  When  the  history  of  this  era  is  written,  its  grandeur  will 
be  seen  to  be  among  the  most  sublime  phenomena  which  the 
earth  as  yet  has  witnessed."  The  energy  of  statesmen  and 
of  the  commercial  class  was  turned  towards  the  sea,  and  the 
memories  of  adventurous  and  heroic  seamen  are  perpet- 
uated in  arctic  and  other  regions. 

A  recent  English  writer,  referring  to  earlier  and  later 
adventurers  in  arctic  exploration,  pronounces  it  "  our  Iliad, 


IP 


NOTE   OF  THE   STANDING   COMMITTEE. 


IX 


receded 
lization 
eign  of 
isingly 
roude  : 
leur  will 
ieli  the 
iien  and 
uid  the 
perpet- 


if  wo  have  one,  this  siege  of  tlio  arctic  ice  and  night."  Ex- 
petHtioHH  set  on  foot  l)y  prlvat<)  individuals  or  corporations 
were  to  some  extent  patronized  l)y  royalty  and  by  such  nuines 
as  Burleigli,  Leicester,  and  Walsingham.  As  Frohislier, 
a  poor  sailor  adventurer,  as  some  one  calls  him,  was 
under  way  for  Northern  seas  and  was  running  by  Green- 
wich, he  was  encouraged  by  seeing  the  Queen  wave  her 
liandkerchief  from  the  ^"i^hice  windows,  in  token  of  the 
favor  and  patromige  vouchsafed  by  her  Majesty  to  her 
entf'rj)rising  subjects  who  had  the  means  to  furnish  ships, 
or  the  ability  and  spirit  to  command  them,  and  to  go  out 
into  nidvnowu  seas  to  discover  or  conquer  and  take  pos- 
session in  the  name  of  their  gracious  sovereign  whom  they 
loved  to  call  "  Queen  of  the  Sea." 

One  of  the  most  interesting  spectacles  revealed  by  his- 
tory is  the  earnest  rivalry  between  the  governments  of 
Europe  and  their  parties  of  discovery  or  colonization, 
ever  watchful  of  each  others'  projects,  and  carefully  keep- 
ing their  own  counsels,  in  efforts  to  acquire  and  secure 
possession  of  the  newly  discovered  continent.  To  us  it 
is  of  special  interest  to  trace  the  series  of  events  and 
adventures  which  directed  English  enterprise  to  the 
northern  coast  of  the  continent,  contrary  even  to  their  own 
plans  and  purposes,  thus  affording  an  illustration  of  the 
familiar  saying,  "  jM.ui  proposes,  but  God  disposes."  For 
it  is  a  well-known  fact  that  in  eager  and  persistent  and 
fruitless  schemes  for  discovery  of  a  north-west  route  to 
the  far-off  Catha}-,  and  after  manifold  hindrances,  mis- 
adventures, and  disasters,  this  northern  coast  was  revealed 
to  daring  English  voyagers.  A  paper  drawn  up  by  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  to  prove  the  possibility,  rather  the  prob- 
ability, of  such  a  passage,  first  turned  the  attention  of  the 
English  and  stimulated  afresh  the  enterprise  in  that  direc- 
tion.  Then  followed  the  voyages  of  the  intrepid  Frobisher, 

b 


X 


NOTE   OF   THE   STANDING   COMJnTTEE. 


1576,  who  left  a  perpetual  memorial  of  Iiis  adventurous 
spirit  in  the  straits  that  bear  his  name  ;  ami  those  of  Sir 
IIum})lu-e3'  hini'^elf,  who,  aided  by  the  active  interest  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh ,  his  half-brother,  set  sail  in  1583,  the  Queen 
wishing  him  "  as  great  goodhap  and  safety  to  his  ship  as  if 
herself  were  there  in  person."  We  cannot  but  recall  his 
memorable  answer  from  his  little  craft  of  ten  tons,  which 
soon  went  dovrn,  in  a  tempestuous  sea  off  NewfoundUmd,  to 
the  hail  of  hit;  companion,  the  "  Golden  Hind,"  —  "  We  are 
as  nen'  Heaven  by  sea  as  by  land."  Thus  the  spirit  of  enter- 
prise kept  at  work  on  the  problem  of  a  North-west  Passage. 
But  that  was  not  the  path  whicli  Providence  designed. 

The  search  for  a  Nortli-west  Passage  to  the  Indies  was 
arrested  for  a  time,  we  know,  by  the  conjecture  tliat  a 
better  route  could  be  found  in  an  opposite  direction.  It 
has  been  a  problem  with  students  of  history  what  turned 
back  attention  to  our  coast. 

The  five  volumes  of  the  industrious  and  enthusiastic 
Hakluyt,  containing  notices  of  more  than  t^A'0  hundred 
voyages,  called  by  Froude  the  "  prose  epic  of  the  modern 
English  nation,'  have  been  a  most  valued  storehouse  of 
materials  for  the  history  of  early  discovery  and  coloniza- 
tion. The  fortunate  discovery  of  a  lost  manuscript  of  the 
same  author,  now  first  committed  to  the  press,  shows  what 
may  have  exerted  an  important  influence  in  awakening 
bpecial  attention  of  royalty  and  courtiers  to  the  northern 
coast  as  a  desirable  field  Tor  colonization,  and  setting  on 
foot  a  movement  which,  under  Di\ine  Providence,  was  to 
produce  great  results  in  human  history  and  the  progress  of 
the  races. 

The  text  alone  of  such  a  Discourse  would  excite  great 
interest  in  all  who  are  curious  regarding  the  earliest 
attempts  to  colonize  this  portion  oi'  the  Western  Conti- 
nent.    It  seemed,  however,  unfitting  to  send  out  such  a 


NOTE  OF  THE  STANDING  COMMITTEE. 


XI 


paper  without  an  introductory  notice  and  such  annotation? 
as  seemed  to  be  required  to  explain  allusions  and  elucidate 
obscure  passages  in  the  history  of  the  period,  not  likely  to 
be  apprehended  except  by  those  who  have  given  special 
attention  to  the  subject,  and  to  afford  to  every  reader  the 
best  advantage  for  entering  at  once  into  the  spirit  of  the 
writer. 


Brunswick,  March,  1877. 


A.  S.  PACKARD, 

For  the  Committee. 


'i 


i 


xi 


EDITOR'S     NOTE. 


I 


Referring  to  the  preceding  statement  of  the  Standing 
Committee,  I  will  simply  add,  in  justice  to  Dr.  Woods  and 
to  myself,  that,  out  of  his  rough  notes,  happily  not  consumed 
when  his  library  was  burned,  8th  August,  1873,  I  have 
deduced  the  following  Preface  and  Introduction  signed  by 
him.  These  notes  were  written  in  several  memorandum 
books,  and  on  detached  sheets  of  paper,  intended  evidently 
as  hints  to  the  memory  for  future  use,  and  covered  a  wide 
field  of  investigation.  •  What  has  been  here  written  is 
mostly  in  his  own  language  ;  and  all  has  been  submitted 
to  him,  and  approved  and  adopted  by  him. 

T  can  only  add  my  regret,  to  that  of  the  literary  public, 
that  the  state  of  his  health  had  deprived  Dr.  Woods  of  the 
opportunity  of  employing  again  his  own  eloquent  pen  in 
reconstructing  the  fabric  so  mercilessly  destroyed  by  the 
flames. 

Of  the  notes  in  the  Appendix,  the  few  signed  "  W." 
were  written  by  Dr.  Woods,  and  happened  to  be  in  my 
possession,  along  with  the  copy  of  the  Halduyt  Discourse, 
when  the  fire  occurred.  The  Discourse  had  already  been 
stereotyped  in  Cambridge,  under  my  supervision.  Some 
of  my  own  notes  in  the  Appendix  had  been  partially  w  '.t- 
ten,  at  the  request  of  Dr.  Woods,  and  had  been  laid  aside. 

I  have  appreciated  the  wish  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society  to  publish  this  volume  with   as   little   delay  as 


XIV 


EDITORS   NOTE. 


possible  ;  and  for  the  past  few  months,  since  I  have  been 
requested  to  undertake  the  charge  of  it,  liave  labored  to 
that  end.  Part  of  my  work  has  been  of  a  delicate  nature  ; 
and  for  the  whole  I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the  reader, 
being  conscious  of  its  imperfections.  I  will  only  add,  in 
conclusion,  that  I  feel  a  sense  of  satisfaction  in  placing 
my  own  name  on  the  title-page  of  this  volume  along  with 
that  of  my  friend,  Dr.  Woods. 


CHARLES  DEANE. 


Cambridge,  Mass., 

March,  1877. 


i    ( 


1 


_f 


PREFACE. 


It  may  not  be  without  interest  that  I  sliould  give, 
in  this  prefatory  note,  in  some  detail,  an  account  as 
to  how  this  copy  of  Hakliiyt's  Discourse  was  ob- 
tained; and  then  a  brief  description  of  the  manu- 
script itself.     See  also  the  Introduction,  p.  xxv. 

I  will  premise  by  saying,  in  a  general  way,  that  it 
happened  to  me  as  it  has  to  so  many  other  investi- 
gators. The  manuscript,  having  come  into  the  posses- 
sion of  Sir  Thomas  Philhpps,  was  placed  in  the  archives 
of  his  vast  collection  at  Middle  Hill,  Worcestershire, 
—  subsequently  removed  to  Thirlestane  House, 
Cheltenham,  Gloucestershire,  —  and  had  remained 
buried  for  thirteen  or  fourteen  years.  Meanwhile, 
the  following  title  had  appeared  in  the  printed  cata- 
logue ^  of  his  collection,  a  copy  of  which  had  been 


•  Sir  Tlionias  Pliillipps's  Catalogue  appears  to  liave  been  isf;ueil  in  folio 
plieots,  struck  off  from  time  to  time.  Tiie  title-pi^ge  rends,  "  Catalogus 
Lilirorum  ]\Ianus(;riptorum  in  Bibliotlieca  I).  Thonuu  Pliillipps,  Hart.  A.D. 
1837.  Impressus  Typis  Meilio-Montanis  Mense  Maio,  1837."  A  copy  was 
presented  by  him  to  the  library  of  Harvard  Colle^ce,  June  1,  18U,  the 
sheets  stitelicd  and  covered  witii  blue  boards,  and  eontainiuj.?  all  that  had 
probably  been  printed  up  to  that  time,  being  174  pp.,  the  last  number 
10710.  The  subsequent  issues  of  the  Cataloj,nie  have  not  been  sent  to  the 
library. 

Sir  Tlionias  I'hillipps  had  a  private  press  at  Middle  Hill,  on  wliich  he 
printed  a  large  number  of  books  edited  by  himself.    A  list  of  many  of  them 


XVI 


PREFACE. 


presented  by  him  to  tlie  library  of  the  British  Mu- 
seum,—  "A  Hakluyt  Discourse,"  number  "  14097." 
So  far  as  I  can  learn  this  advertisement  had  re- 
mained  unnoticed. 

My  attention  had  early  been  called  to  the  collec- 
tion of  Sir  Thomas  by  seeing  an  account,  in  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  some  Scientific  Association,  of  a  number 
of  early  American  maps  exhibited  by  him  at  one  of 
its  meetings ;  and  on  inquiring  of  Mr.  Henry  Stevens 
•about  this  collection,  he  informed  me  that,  besides 
these  maps  and  other  valuable  documents,  it  con- 
tained a  manuscript  discourse  of  Hakluyt  which  had 
once  been  in  his  possession.'  But  this  important 
information,  which  was  communicated  to  me  by 
Mr.  Stevens  with  that  freedom  and  friendliness  with 
which  he  has  always  given  of  his  treasures  to  those 
who  have  applied  to  him,  was  not  the  moving  cause 
or  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  measures  by  which 
the  manuscript  in  question  was  obtained.     And  I  fear 

may  be  seen  in  Bolin's  edition  of  Lowndes,  under  Sir  Tlionias's  name. 
After  tlie  deatii,  in  1859,  of  Lord  Nortliwiek,  tlie  proprietor  of  Tlurlestane 
House,  Clieltcnliam,  Sir  Thomas  beeame  tlie  owner  of  tlmt  estate,  and 
removed  to  it  liis  valuable  and  extensive  library  from  Middle  Hill.  Thirle- 
stane  House  was  ereeted  by  Mr.  Scott,  at  an  outlay  of  .£84,000,  in  tlie 
Ionic  style,  with  Portland  and  Bath  stone.  (See  Murray's  Hand-book  of 
Gloucestershire.)  Sir  Tlionias  himself  died  in  1872,  and  left  his  library  to 
his  daugliter,  Mrs.  Fcnwick,  its  present  owner.  —  Ed. 

1  Tlie  manuscript  appears  to  have  come  into  tlie  possession  of  Mr. 
Stevens  some  time  previous  to  May,  1854.  It  is  included  in  Iiis  eatalosue  — 
a  copy  of  which  is  now  before  me  —  of  valuable  books  and  manuscripts  to 
be  sold  at  auction  by  Puttick  &  Simpson,  191  Piccadilly,  London,  "  on 
Wednesday,  Jlay  21,  1851,  and  four  following  days  (Sunday  excepted),  at 
one  o'clock  most  punctually,"  and  is  entered  there  under  number  "  474." 
The  title-page  is  copied  in  full,  after  which  we  read  :  — 

"A  MOST  iJii'OKTANT  UNPUiiLisHKu  MANUSCUiPT  ;  63  pages,  closcly  and 
neatly  written  ;  in  the  original  calf  binding.  From  Lord  Valentia's  Collection. 
The  following  note,  pencilled  on  the  fly-leaf,  is  believed  to  be  in  Lord 


'™ 


PREFACE. 


XVU 


iish  Mu- 
L4097." 
lad   re- 


1  collec- 
:lie  Pro- 
number 
t  one  of 
Stevens 
,  besides 

it  con- 
liicli  bad 
uportiint 

me  by 
less  with 
to  those 
ng  cause 
jy  which 
nd  I  fear 

lias's  name. 
Tliirk'Stane 
estate,  and 
ill.  Thirle- 
,000,  in  the 
lunil-book  of 
is  library  to 

-ion  of  Mr. 
catalogue  — 
niisi;ript9  to 
jontlon,  "  oil 
xcepteil),  at 
nber  "  474." 

closely  and 

^8  Collection. 

be  in  Lord 


that  the  knowledge  I  had  received  from  him  of  the 
existence  of  this  manuscript  would  have  proved  to 
me,  as  it  had  in  several  other  cases,  barren  and 
unfruitful  of  any  good  result,  if  a  new  motive  for 
seeking  access  to  the  Phillipps  collection  had  not  been 
imparted  to  me  some  weeks  later  from  another 
quarter. 

During  a  visit  which  I  made  to  II.  C.  Harford, 
Esq.,  of  Bristol,  soon  after  New  Year's,  1868,  in  pur- 
suit of  whatever  might  fall  in  my  way,  I  made  the 
acquaintance  of  the  Rev.  Frederick  Brown,  then  rec- 
tor of  the  neighboring  parish  of  Nailsea.  This  parish 
belongs  to  the  manor  of  Ashton  Phillips,  where 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  resided  during  the  latter 
part  of  his  life,  and  the  rector  had  interested  himself 
for  many  years  in  collecting  materials  for  a  complete 
history  and  genealogy  of  this  distinguished  founder 
of  the  colonization  of  our  State.  These  materials 
he  kindly  exhibited  to  me,  and  among  other  things 
called  my  attention  to  a  notice  he  had  seen  in  the 
Wiltshire  Magazine  of  Archa3ology  and  Natural 
History,  Vol.  I.  p.  97,  to  the  effect  that  the  papers 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  had  been  obtained  by  Sir 

Valentia's  hand  :  '  This  unpiiblislied  manuscript  of  Hakluyt's  is  extremely 
curious.  I  procured  it  from  the  family  of  Sir  Peter  Thomson.  Tlie 
editors  of  the  last  edition  would  have  given  any  money  for  it,  had  it  been 
known  to  have  existed.'  "  In  a  printed  list  of  "  prices  obtained  at  the 
sale "  of  these  books  as  far  as  lot  10.30,  subsequently  inserted  in  some 
copi?s  of  the  catalogue,  it  appears  that  the  Hakluyt  Discourse,  lot  474, 
brought  £44. 

This  was  not  the  only  manuscript  in  this  sale  of  rare  books  relating  to 
America  which  came  from  Lord  Valentia's  collection.  Lot  408,  "  Captain 
Luke  Fox's  Journal,"  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  his  library.  There  may 
have  been  others.  —  Ed. 


XVI 1 1 


PREFACE. 


Thom.as  Phillipps  from  Ashley,  and  were  now  in  his 
possession,  bearing  the  number  7109  in  his  collection. 

The  Gorges  Papers,  justly  regarded  as  more  im- 
portant than  any  now  remaining  to  be  discovered 
for  the  elucidation  of  the  history  of  New  England, 
and  especially  of  Maine,  were  then,  as  it  appeared, 
neither  irrecoverably  lost,  nor  left,  according  to  the 
supposition  of  Dr.  Palfrey,  "  undreamed  of  by  their 
possessor,  to  feed  the  moth  in  the  garret  of  some 
manor-house  in  Somerset  or  Devon,  or  in  some  crypt 
of  London,"  but  could  be  clearly  traced  to  the  collec- 
tion of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps. 

I  conceived  the  confident  hope  of  gaining  access 
to  these  papers,  and  resolved  that  no  efforts  of  mine 
should  be  wanting  to  accomplish  this  object.  It  only 
remained  for  me  to  follow  the  clew  thus  placed  in 
my  hands  to  find  the  way  to  this  great  depository, 
and  to  solicit  from  the  generosity  of  its  owner  the 
use  of  the  papers  for  the  State  most  interested 
in  them. 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose,  immediately  on  my 
return  to  London,  I  called  for  advice  on  the  late 
John  Bruce,  Esq.,  F.R.S.,  who  had  been  mentioned 
to  me  by  my  friend,  the  excellent  rector  of  Nailsea, 
as  a  correspondent  of  his  on  the  subject  of  Gorges, 
and  wdio  was  already  known  to  me  as  the  author  of 
the  interesting  letter  on  the  defence  of  Gorges,  pub- 
lished in  Vol.  XXXIII.  of  the  ArchaDologia,  and 
republished  at  the  end  of  Mr.  George  Folsom's 
Catalogue  of  Original  Documents  relating  to  the 
State  of  Maine,  New  York,  1858. 


TREFACE. 


XIX 


V  in  his 
ilk'ction. 
lore  im- 
^coveretl 
Sn^land, 
ppeared, 
5  to  the 
by  their 
of  some 
me  crypt 
le  collec- 

ig;  access 
I  of  mine 
It  only 
placed  in 
[jpository, 
wncr  the 
nterested 

ly  on  my 
the  late 
lentioned 
;  Nailsea, 
Gorges, 
author  of 
pub- 
and 
Folsom's 
to   the 


Wia, 


By  the  judicions  and  friendly  advice  of  Mr.  Bruce, 
I  was  directed  to  Mrs.  Mary  Anne  Everett  Green, 
well  known  as  the  editor  of  a  number  of  the  Calen- 
dars of  State  Papers,  as  a  lady  well  acquainted  with 
Sir  Thomas  Phillipps  and  his  collection,  and  holding 
a  high  place  in  liis  esteem,  and  as  better  able  to 
assist  me  in  my  purpose  than  any  one  in  the  circle 
of  his  acquaintance.  On  his  suggestion,  I  introduced 
myself  to  Mrs.  Green  and  made  my  oljjects  known 
to  her ;  and  to  the  interest  which  she  took  in  them, 
and  her  assistance  in  accomplishing  them,  and  the 
influence  she  exerted  in  our  behalf  with  Sir  Thomas 
Phillipps,  the  Historical  Society  and  the  literary 
public  generally  are  indebted  for  whatever  benefit 
may  be  derived  from  the  opening  of  his  collections 
to  our  use. 

Mrs.  Green  ^vrotc  immediately  to  Sir  Thomas ; 
and,  on  his  courteous  response  to  her  request  in 
our  behalf,  she  visited  Cheltenham  (in  January, 
18G8).     I  followed    in  a  few  days. 

The  original  object  we  had  in  view  in  this  visit 
to  Cheltenham,  nearly  one  hundred  miles  from  Lon- 
don, in  mid-winter,  was  to  examine  the  papers  of 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  to  obtain,  if  possible, 
copies  of  them  for  publication  in  the  Documentary 
History  of  Maine.  But  our  quest  was  not  confined 
to  the  Gorges  Papers.  In  order  to  facilitate  the 
business  of  this  visit,  and  turn  it  to  the  best  possible 
account,  ]Mrs.  Green  had  made,  from  her  catalogue 
of  the  collection,  a  list  of  all  manuscrij^ts  which  it 
was  thought  might  have  some  bearing  on  the  history 


XX 


PREFACE. 


of  Maine,  and  which  in  that  \iHit  mij^ht  well  be  ex- 
amined in  this  behalf.  In  this  list  was  included, 
besides  the  Gorges  Papers  advertised  in  the  Wiltshire 
Magazine,  and  the  maps  before  referred  to, "  A  Hak- 
luyt  Discourse,"  No.  "  14097,"  which  could,  we 
thought,  be  no  other  than  that  mentioned  by  my 
friend  Mr.  Stevens,  and  against  which  she  wrote,  on 
my  suggestion, "  Copy  entire,  if  relating  to  coloniza- 
tion in  America." 

Before  my  arrival,  Mrs.  Green  had  already  made 
considerable  progress  in  the  examination  of  the  man- 
uscripts, maps,  &c.  ;  and  her  report  of  her  fjrst  im- 
pressions, so  far  as  related  to  the  principal  object  of 
our  pursuit,  was,  in  her  own  words  :  "  The  Gorges 
Papers  turn  out  a  sad  disappointment ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Hakluyt  Discourse  is,  I  think,  curious  and 
valuable." 

These  first  impressions  were  confirmed  by  the 
more  careful  examinations  upon  which  we  entered 
after  my  arrival.  The  Gorges  Papers,  No.  7109, 
entered  in  the  catalogue  as  "  Papers  found  in  the 
Library  of  Ferdinando  Gorges,  of  Ashley,  Wilts, /oZ.," 
were  found  to  consist  of  a  few  private  letters  about 
family  property,  in  which  a  brief  pedigree  of  Lord 
Edward  Gorges  was  included.  The  disappointment 
with  regard  to  these  papers  w^as  in  some  degree 
qualified  by  some  information  kindly  given  me  by 
Sir  Thomas,  with  regard  to  the  disposition  of  them 
on  the  breaking  up  of  the  collection  at  Ashley.  But, 
after  following  up  the  clew  which  he  placed  in  my 
hands,  it  led  to  no  important  results ;  and  we  are 


j'-i 


PKEFACE 


3CX1 


be  ex- 
cluded, 

iltshire 
A  Ilak- 
ild,    we 

l)y  my 
rote,  on 
loloniza- 

\y  made 
he  man- 
first  im- 
jbject  of 
I  Gorges 
he  other 
ions  and 

by   the 
entered 
;o.  7109, 
|l  in  the 
ts,/oZ.," 
rs  abont 
of  Lord 
intment 
degree 
me  by 
of  them 
ly.     But, 
d  in  my 
we  are 


■M 

I 


obliged  to  rest  in  the  conclusion  expressed  above  by 
Dr.  PiiKvcy. 

But  the  ITakluyt  Discourse,  about  which  we  had 
been  doubtful  whether  it  related  to  American 
colonization,  and  which  I  had  apprehended  might 
be  one  of  the  Discourses  supposed  to  have  been 
delivered  by  Ilakluyt  on  the  art  of  navigation, 
proved  to  be  a  treatise  exhibiting,  systematically  and 
elaborately,  the  religious,  political,  and  commercial 
advantages  to  be  derived  by  England  from  the  at- 
tempted colonization  of  America;  and,  what  gave  it 
a  peculiar  interest  to  the  Maine  Historical  Society, 
having  special  reference  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  to  the  colonization  of  Norumbega. 

It  required  no  extended  examination  for  me  to 
decide  that  it  was  a  document  most  desirable  to  be 
copied  and  published  in  our  Collections  ;  and  it  re- 
quired no  labored  persuasions  to  induce  Sir  Thomas 
to  grant  my  request  for  that  privilege.  He  cour- 
teously allowed  a  copyist  to  be  sent,  and  a  copy  to  be 
made  for  our  use ;  and  at  the  same  time  represented 
that  it  was  for  such  service  alone  to  the  cause  of 
truth  that  he  was  led  to  form  his  collection. 

Under  this  kind  permission,  a  copy  of  the  table  of 
contents  or  heads  of  the  several  chapters  was  made 
by  Mrs.  Green  at  the  time,  on  the  spot,  and  proved 
of  great  advantage  in  identifying  the  manuscript. 

For  various  reasons,  the  entire  copy  was  not  made 
until  several  months  later  ;  and  having  been  myself 
absent  at  the  time  on  the  continent,  it  did  not  come 
into  my  control  until  just  before  my  return  home. 


XXll 


PREFACE. 


Tt  was  lujido  by  Mr.  G.  W.  Thompson,  n  clork  of 
the  Piibhc  Record  OHlco,  and  was  pronoimcud  by 
Mrs.  Green  as  adniiniblv  done.  Tnicinti;s  of  the 
orif?inal  luindwrithif^  were  made  by  liim,  and  tlie 
abbreviations  of  the  manuscript  were  retained  in 
the  copy.  The  spelling  of  tiie  orij^inal,  by  no  means 
nniform,  and  also  the  punctuation,  arc  strictly  fol- 
lowed ;  and,  having  been  collated  page  by  page  with 
the  original  at  the  time  it  wan  written,  it  may  be 
relied  on  as  literally  faithful. 

The  manuscript  is  written  in  a  contemporaneous 
hand,  though  it  is  believed  not  in  that  of  its  author. 
A  fnc-shnlh  of  the  title-page  is  given.  The  book 
consists  of  sixty-five  pages  in  folio.  It  is  sixteen  and 
one-half  inches  long,  and  a  little  over  eleven  and 
one-half  wide,  and  one-half  inch  thick.  The  written 
page  is  fourteen  inches  long,  and  eight  and  one-half 
wide,  with  a  margin  on  the  left  of  two  inches  for 
notes.  The  con)meiicement  of  all  fresh  paragraphs 
is  in  a  large  old  Emjlhh  hand.  There  are  two  num- 
bers npon  the  back  ;  viz.,  "  47-4,"  the  numl)er  against 
which  it  is  entered  in  Puttick  &  Simpson's  sale 
catalogue  of  May,  1854  (see  page  xvi.  note),  and 
"  14097,"  its  nnmlier  in  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps's  cata- 
logue. The  following  memoranda  are  written  in 
pencil  on  the  second  blank  leaf :  — 

"  This  unpublished  Manuscript  of  Hackliiyt's  is 
extremely  curious. 

"  I  procured  it  from  the  family  of  Sir  Peter  Thomson. 

"  The  editors  of  the  last  edition  would  have  given 
any  money  for  it,  had  it  been  known  to  have  existed." 


rilEFACE. 


XXUl 


These  momoranda  are  believed  to  be  in  the  hniid- 
writinjif  of  Lord  Valentia,  at  the  nale  of  vhose 
collention  it  was  piirohaHed  by  Mr.  Hciirv  Steveas, 
of  London.  From  iiini  it  passed  to  the  library  of 
Sir  Thomas  Phillipps,  through  the  auction  sale  of 
Messrs.  Puttick  *&  Sini[)s()n,  of  London,  in  May, 
1851,  for  £44.  The  "  last  edition,"  referred  to  in 
the  conoludinjj;  pencil  memorandum,  must  be  that  of 
Ilakluyt's  Collection,  in  live  volumes,  1809-12,  of 
which  H.   H.  Evans  was  the  editor. 

In  Mr.  Stevens's  Historical  and  Geo<^raphical  Notes, 
puldishcd  in  1800,  p.  20,  he  says  ol"  this  Discourse: 
"  This  valuable  manuscript  .  .  .  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  writer  for  two  or  three  years,  having 
fallen  into  his  hands  some  sixteen  or  seventeen  years 
ago  by  a  piece  of  good  luck,  after  a  bibliographical 
tournament  memoral)le  as  any  recorded  by  Dibdin. 
After  fruitless  endeavors  to  lind  for  it  a  resting  place 
in  some  public  or  private  library  in  America,  and 
subsecpiently  in  the  British  Museum,  it  linally  be- 
came the  property  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillij)ps." 

The  earliest  notice  of  the  existence  of  this  manu- 
script, after  it  had  been  lost  sight  of  for  nearly  two 
centuries,  is  in    the  family  of  Sir  Peter  Thomson,^ 

'  Sir  IVter  Thomson,  or  Tlioinpsoii,  was  n  fircat  C(ilk>(.'t(»r  of  riiro  1)nok.s, 
maiiu.-scriptsi,  fossils,  anil  other  literary  curiosities.  He  livetl  for  many 
years  in  Herniondsey,  County  Surrey ;  but  in  1763  lie  wholly  retired  to 
the  iilaee  of  his  hirth,  at  Poole,  County  Dorset,  where  he  died  in  1770,  be- 
queathing hi^  valuable  librnry  to  a  kinsnmti  bi'arinjij  his  name.  Part  of  it 
soon  after  came  to  tlie  Immnier;  and  the  sale  of  the  remainder,  described  as 
"The  Library  of  Sir  Peter  Thompson,  Knt.,  F.K.S.,  and  F.S.A.,  containing 
many  curious  and  scarce  articles  in  old  Kufilish  Literature,  MSS.,  ami  rare 
Books,"  took  place  at  Evans's,  "J'Jth  April,  1815,  and  the  four  following 
days.  Lowndes  frequently  K'ves  the  prices  at  which  some  of  the  books 
were  sold.  See  Nichols's  Literary  Anecdotes,  V.  511-514,  IX.  800,  801.  —  Ed. 


XXIV 


PREFACE. 


from  whom,  if  the  above  conjecture  as  to  the  author 
of  the  pencil  memoranda  is  correct,  it  passed  to  Lord 
Valentia.  From  whom  it  came  into  the  hands  of  Sir 
Peter  Thomson  is  not  known.  Some  clew  may  yet 
be  furnished.  The  family  of  Lord  Valencia  belongs 
to  L'eland. 

It  should  be  added  that  the  copy  of  this  Discourse 
has  been  strictly  followed  in  every  essential  particular, 
in  tlie  printing.  In  a  few  instances,  some  liberties  have 
been  taken  with  the  capital  letters,  and  a  point  has 
been  added  or  omitted  in  accordance  with  the  author's 
general  style  of  punctuation,  or  where  the  sense  re- 
quired the  alteration.  Some  abbreviated  words  have 
been  printed  according  to  modern  usage,  when  the 
spelling  conformed  to  the  usage  of  Ilakluyt's  time. 
The  citations  of  the  author  from  native  or  foreign 
writers  have  been  compared  ia  every  instance  wher- 
ever the  editions  or  ver^:ions  used  by  him  have  been 
accessible,  and  any  required  corrections  made.  The 
runL'ng-title  in  the  printed  volume  has  been  added 
by  the  editor. 

LEONARD  WOODS. 


m 


e  author 
to  Lord 

ds  of  Sir 

may  yet 

belongs 


INTRODUCTION. 


)iscourse 
irticular, 
ties  have 
)oint  has 
!  author's 
sense  re- 
)rds  have 
vhen  the 
rt's  time, 
r  foreign 
ice  wher- 
ave  been 
e.  The 
n  added 

WOODS. 


After  I  had  made  my  arrangements,  early  in  the 
summer  of  1867,  to  spend  a  few  months  in  foreign 
travel,  I  had  the  lionor  to  receive  from  the  Governor 
of  Maine  a  commission,  in  pursuance  of  the  Resolves 
of  the  Legislature  in  aid  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society,  authorizing  me  to  procure  materials  from 
the  foreign  archives,  libraries,  and  collections,  for  the 
early  history  of  the  State.  This  commission  was  ac- 
companied by  a  circular  letter  from  the  Department 
of  State  at  Washington,  commending  the  object  to 
the  favor  of  those  to  whom  it  might  be  presented. 

In  discharging  this  commission,  my  first  care  was 
to  obtain  materials  illustrating  the  discovery  of  the 
coast  of  Maine,  and  more  particularly  to  obtain  copies 
of  the  original  maps  and  charts  in  which  this  dis- 
covery is  progressively  delineated.  And  here  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  engage  for  the  Society  the 
service  of  one  who  was  already  prepared  to  render  it 
by  his  extended  researches  and  large  collections,  and 
who  had  already  been  employed  by  our  government 
in  a  kindred  labor.  The  result  is  seen  in  the  first 
volume  of  the  Documentary  History  of  our  State, 
published  by  this  Society  in  1869. 


XXVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


Another  fruit  of  my  visit  to  England  was  the 
following  Discourse  of  Richard  Ilakluyt  on  the 
colonization  of  Nonnnbega.  I  have  already  stated,  in 
a  prefatory  note,  that  the  manuscript  from  which  our 
copy  was  made  belonged  to  the  late  Sir  Thomas 
Phillipps,  and  was  preserved  in  his  noble  collection  in 
Thirlestane  House,  Cheltenham,  England  ;  and  that, 
by  his  generosity  and  courtesy,  the  Maine  Historical 
Society  is  now  enabled  to  publish  it  for  the  first  time, 
nearly  three  hundred  years  after  it  was  written. 

At  the  date  of  the  Discourse,  the  memorable  year 
1584,  the  English,  after  a  long  slumber,  were  just 
beg-innino;  to  awake  to  a  sense  of  the  value  of  these 
"  Western  Discoveries,"  and  of  the  hnportance  of 
occupying  them  with  people  of  their  own  race.  In 
the  second  patent  granted  to  John  Cabot,  in  1498, 
permission  was  given  him  to  transport  English  sub- 
jects to  the  "  Londe  and  Isles  of  late  founde  "  by  him ; 
but  no  settlement  was  then  effected.  And  from  that 
time,  during  a  period  of  eighty  years,  none  had 
been  seriously  attempted,  until  the  enterprise  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  the  complete  failure  of  which 
had  been  ascertained  only  within  a  few  months. 

This  failure  of  the  English  to  take  actual  possession 
by  colonization  of  the  countries  of  the  New  World 
first  discovered  by  them,  and  still  unoccupied  by  any 
Christian  naiion,  has  been  regarded  as  a  perplexing 
problem  by  many  writers,  even  by  those  who  have 
not  lived  to  see,  in  the  subsequent  grandeur  of  their 
colonial  empire,  that  it  was  rather  a  fault  than  a 
misfortune. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXVU 


was  the 
on  the 
stated,  in 
hich  our 
Thomas 
ection  in 
md  that, 
listorical 
irst  time, 
ten. 

i1)le  year 

^ere  just 

of  these 

tance  of 

•ace.     In 

in  1498, 

ish   isulj- 

by  him ; 

om  that 

one   had 

le  of  Sir 

■  which 

onths. 

ossession 

w  World 

])y  any 
•plexing 

K)  have 
of  their 

than  a 


In  "  The  Epistle  Dedicatorie "  to  the  "  Divers 
Voyages,"  published  in  1582,  near  the  clos^e  of  this 
long  period  of  inaction,  Richard  Ilakluyt  wrote  as 
follows  :  "  I  marvaile  not  a  little,  that  since  the  first 
dlscouerie  of  America,  which  is  nowe  full  fourscore 
and  tenneyeers,  after  so  great  conquests  and  plantings 
of  the  Spaniards  and  Portingales  there,  that  wee  of 
England  could  ncuer  haue  the  grace  to  set  fast  foot- 
ing in  such  fertill  and  temperate  places  as  are  left  as 
yet  vnpossessed  of  them."  Could  he  have  foreseen 
the  colonizing  energy  which  has  since  been  so  emi- 
nently ^lisplayed  by  the  English  race,  he  would  only 
have  wondered  the  more  that  it  remained  so  long 
latent,  and  that  the  power,  which  soon  proved  itself 
easily  capable  of  overmastering  all  its  competitors 
for  the  possession  of  the  Continent,  was  so  slow  to 
enter  the  Hsts. 

It  is  represented  in  several  of  the  biographies  of 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  also  in  some  of  the  general 
histories  of  his  time,  that  when,  after  the  failure  of 
his  step-brother,  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  he  under- 
took the  Avork  of  planting  a  colony  in  North  America, 
he  drew  up  and  presented  to  the  Queen  and  Council 
a  certain  discourse,  or  memorial,  in  aid  of  that  enter- 
prise, and  that  by  this  means  he  obtained  the  grant 
of  his  first  Letters  Patent.^ 

In  these  several  statements,  this  memorial,  or  dis- 
course, is  said  to  have  been  drawn  up  and  written  by 

1  See  Oldys's  and  Birch's  Lives  of  Rjikitili,  in  Vol.  I.  pp.  50,  580,  Work§, 
Oxford,  1821);  Mrs.  Tiiom.son'8  Memoirs  of  Haleiuli,  p.  30;  St.  Jolin's  Life 
of  Raleigh,  p.  85.    Compare  Napier  iu  Ldinburgli  Rev.,  Vol.  LXXI.  pp.  9-U. 


f     « 


XXVlll 


INTliODUCTION. 


Raleigh  himself,  and  presented  by  him  before  his 
patent  was  granted. 

But,  whatever  this  memorial  may  have  been,  it  was 
not  the  identical  Discourse  with  which  we  are  now  con- 
cerned. That  bears  unquestionable  evidence  through- 
out its  pages  of  having  been  written  by  Hakluyt, 
by  request  and  direction  of  Mr.  Walter  Raleigh,  and 
before  the  return,  and  of  course  after  the  sailing,  of 
the  two  barks  sent  out  by  him  under  the  patent.  As 
neither  of  these  discourses  was  known  at  that  time  to 
be  in  existence,  possibly  they  may  have  been  con- 
founded the  one  with  the  other.  But,  without  taking 
notice  of  this  possibility,  it  will  appear  not  improbable, 
from  evidence  hereafter  to  be  adduced,  that  this 
memorial,  drawn  up  and  ascribed  to  Raleigh,  received 
a  helping  hand  from  Hakluyt,  and  furnished  the  germ 
of  the  Discourse  written  by  the  latter  after  the 
patent  had  been  granted. 

As  I  have  already  said,  the  memorial  is  described 
to  have  been  written  and  presented  before  the  pat- 
ent was  issued  to  Raleigh,  25th  March,  1584.  The 
Discourse  purports,  on  its  title-page,  to  have  been 
written  before  the  return  of  the  two  barks  which 
had  been  sent  out  by  Raleigh  under  that  patent ;  that 
is,  between  the  27th  April  and  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber. It  was  written  in  London,  and  from  several 
passages  in  its  contents  appears  to  have  been  in  hand 
as  late  as  after  the  month  of  August,  1584.  Again, 
the  memorial,  or  such  part  of  it  as  may  have  been 
contributed  by  Hakluyt,  must  have  been  written  in 
Paris,  since  Hakluyt  had  gone   there   the   previous 


'% 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXIX 


efore  his 

m,  it  was 
now  con- 
throiigli- 
Hakluyt, 
eigh,  and 
^ailing,  of 
!;cnt.  As 
it  time  to 
)een  con- 
lut  taking 
iprobable, 
tliat  this 
1,  received 
the  germ 
after  the 

described 

the  pat- 

84.     The 

ave  been 

<^s  which 

nt ;  that 

Scptem- 

several 

in  hand 

Again, 

ave  been 

ritten  in 

previous 


year  as  chaplain,  and  he  is  known  by  his  letters  to 
have  been  there  as  late  as  1st  April,  1584. 

In  the  year  1583,  Hakluyt,  then  thirty  years  old, 
had  gone  to  Paris  as  chaplain  to  Sir  Edward  Stafford. 
He  had  intended  to  join  the  last  and  fatal  expedition 
of  Sir  Hmnphrey  Gilbert,  which  sailed  in  June  of 
that  year.  It  was,  however,  probably  thought  that 
his  services  would  be  more  valuable  to  the  cause  of 
Western  discoveries  and  colonization,  to  which  he  had 
devoted  himself  from  his  boyhood,  in  the  post  of 
observation  and  influence  to  which  he  was  appointed. 
If  such  an  opinion  had  been  entertained,  it  was  fully 
justified  by  the  service  rendered  by  him  in  his  new 
position.  Two  letters  of  his,  written  to  Secretary 
Walsingham  during  the  first  yeir  of  his  residence 
in  Paris,  were  contributed  by  Mr.  Payne  Collier  to 
the  Society  of  Antiquaries  in  1850,  and  printed 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Archooologia,  Vol.  XXXIII. 
pp.  287-291,  and  reprinted  by  Mr.  John  Winter 
Jones  in  his  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  Ilakluyt's 
"  Divers  Voyages " ;  but  the  originals  have  since 
been  indicated  in  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Dom.  Eliz.  Vol.  CLXVIL,  No.  7,  and  Vol.  CLXX., 
No.  1.  From  these  letters,  dated  7th  January  and 
1st  April,  1584,  it  appears  that  it  was  the  expectation 
of  the  Secretary  that  Hakluyt  should  make  "  diligent 
inquirie  of  such  thinges  as  may  yeeld  any  light  unto 
our  westerne  discoverie  "  ;  and  that,  on  his  part,  he 
"  nether  has,  nor  will  omitte  any  possible  diligence," 
in  collecting  information  of  the  Spanish  and  French 
movements,  and  in  recommending  measures  for  the 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


furtherance  of  the  cause,  —  such  as  the  establishment 
of  a  Lectureship  on  Navigation,  and  offering  himself 
to  go  now  in  "  this  present  setting  forth,"  as  he  had 
in  the  previous  year ;  and,  in  general,  to  employ  all 
his  simple  observations,  reading,  and  conference  in 
the  service  of  God  and  his  country. 

In  all  this,  however,  his  relations  appear  to  be 
with  Secretary  Walsingham,  or,  in  his  illness,  with 
his  step-son,  Christopher  Carlyle,  or  his  son-in-law, 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  ;  and  there  is  as  yet  no  mention  of 
his  having  any  connection  with  Raleigh,  or  of  his  liav- 
ing  written  any  thing  in  aid  of  his  enterprise,  though 
it  was  already  on  foot  at  the  time  these  letters  were 
written. 

Indeed,  no  positive  evidence  has  been  hitherto 
accessible,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  of  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh's  being  beholden  to  Hakluyt  for  any  services 
in  aid  of  his  Western  discovery  and  voyage  ;  certainl}'^ 
for  any  so  valuable  as  contributions,  either  memorial 
or  discourse,  in  that  behalf.  The  first  indication 
hitherto  known  even  of  any  honorable  acknowledg- 
ment of  Raleigh's  services  in  the  Western  discoveries, 
on  the  part  of  Hakluyt,  is  that  found  in  his  Dedication 
to  Raleigh,  1st  May,  1587,  of  his  translation  of  Lau- 
donniere's  History  of  the  Florida  Settlement.  His 
"  Divers  Voyages,"  published  in  1582,  was  dedicated 
to  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  contains  no  mention  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh.  In  these  two  interesting  letters 
written  from  Paris,  he  represents  himself  as  expected 
to  supply  information  to  Walsingham  and  Carlyle, 
and  as  sparing  no  pains  in  sending  them  whatever 


4 
^-^ 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXI 


ilishmcnt 
r  himself 
IS  ho  had 
ni)loy  Jill 
jrence  in 

ar  to  be 
less,  with 
)ii-iii-law, 
lention  of 
if  his  hav- 
le,  though 
ters  were 

hitherto 

ir  Walter 

y  services 

certainly 

ineniorial 

indication 

aiowledg- 

scoveries, 

)edication 

a  of  Lau- 

ent.     His 

Icdicated 
on  of  Sir 

tr  letters 

expected 
Carlyle, 

whatever 


might  be  useful.  But  there  is  no  mention  of  his 
liaving  rendered  a  similar  service  to  Raloigli,  or  of  his 
having  stood  in  any  relation  to  him  whatever.  There 
is  certainly  a  probability  that  the  great  actor  in 
this  enterprise  of  Western  discovery  would  have 
looked  to  the  diligent  student  for  instruction  and  in- 
formation, but  this  probability  has  not  been  hitherto 
supported  by  a  scrap  of  historical  evidence. 

On  the  first  coming  to  light  of  this  Discourse,  the 
claim  on  its  title-page,  to  have  been  written  in  Lon- 
don, by  Richard  Ilakluyt,  in  the  smnmer  of  1584, 
at  the  request  and  direction  of  Mr.  Walter  Raleigh, 
could  not  be  substantiated  by  any  authority,  after  a 
diligent  search  by  myself  and  others,  with  the  best 
possible  op})ortunity  for  finding  whatever  niiglit  exist. 

But  in  a  letter  written  7th  April,  1585,  now  for  the 
first  time  published,  we  have  clear  and  unexpected 
evidence  from  the  pen  of  Ilakluyt  himself,  not  only 
of  his  being  occupied  in  his  position  at  the  embassy 
in  sending  Raleigh  information,  and  printed  and 
written  discourses  respecting  his  voyage,  but  of  his 
having  written  for  him  a  Discourse,  corresponding  in 
its  objects,  time,  and  other  circumstances  with  the 
manuscript  which  has  come  into  our  possession.  This 
letter  Avas  found,  soon  after  this  Discourse  came  into 
my  hands,  among  the  State  Papers,  by  Mrs.  Green, 
while  looking  for  docimients  for  the  Addenda  to  the 
Calendar  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  ;  and,  seeing  at  a 
glance  the  conclusive  evidence  furnished  by  it  for  the 
elucidation  of  our  inquiries,  she-  kindly  sent  me  a 
copy  of  it  in  advance  of  its  publication  in  her  Calen- 


•I 


XXXll 


INTRODUCTION. 


11!  !1 


I 


dar.  It  is  printed  below,  and  a  facsimile  of  the 
first  page  of  the  original  nuinuscript  is  given  in  the 
Appendix.^ 

^  Richard  Hakluyt  to  Sir  Francis  WaisingUam. 

Public  Record  Office.    Dom.  Ellz.    Addenda.    Vol.  XXIX.  No.  9. 

Yo'  Honor's  goodnesa  extended  diverse  wiiyes  unto  niee  at  my  being  in 
England  the  last  sonier,  doth  much  encourage  mee  at  tliis  present  to  crave 
yo'  favour  in  a  matter  more  then  reasonable.  Y'  pleased  her  Ma"*  twoo 
dayes  before  my  dispach,  upon  the  siglit  of  a  couple  of  books  of  myne  in 
writinge,  one  in  latine  upon  Aristotle's  politicks,  the  other  in  english 
concerning  M'  Rawley's  voyage  (the  copie  whereof  I  purpose  to  send 
yo'  honor  immediately  after  Kster)  to  grant  mee  the  ne.\t  vacation  of  a 
prebend  in  Bristol,  wch  is  a  thinge  of  very  small  valewe.  The  words  of  my 
graunt  are,  that  I  shold  enjoy  yt  next,  whether  yt  be  by  death,  vacation, 
resignation,  or  any  other  way  howosoever.  And  yet  since  my  cominge  out 
of  England  I  am  advertised  that  one  Mr.  Sanders,  a  prebend  of  that  place, 
ether  hath  or  meaneth  to  resigne  his  roome  to  another,  wch  if  yt  be  not 
hindered  by  yo'  honor's  favour,  my  reversion  wil  not  be  worth  the  money 
that  the  scales  did  stand  mee  in,  for  if  these  resignations  be  permitted,  I  may 
be  these  sevne  and  sevne  yeares  before  I  shal  be  placed.  Therefore  I  am 
humbly  to  beseech  yo'  honor  that  yo  wold  not  suffer  my  grante  to  be 
frustrated  by  any  such  dealing.  How  careful  I  have  bin  to  advertise 
S'  Walter  Rawley  from  tyme  to  tyme,  and  to  send  him  discourses,  both  in 
printe  and  written  hand,  concerninge  his  voyage,  I  had  rather  you  shold 
understand  of  him  then  of  myselfe.  I  was  loath  to  trouble  yo'  honor 
w""  those  by  matters  consideringe  the  busines  of  the  tymes.  And  to 
raedle  in  other  matters  that  appertayne  not  unto  mee  without  commission, 
I  cold  not  tel  howe  y*  wold  have  bin  taken.  Notwithstanding  since  these 
newe  Grisons  tumults,  I  have  bin  more  vigilant  and  careful  to  seoke  howe 
things  goe  then  heretofore,  and  what  I  can  lerne  amonge  them  of  the 
religion  I  alwayes  bring  unto  my  lord,  wch  can  judge  of  reports,  and  ad- 
vertise y""  of  the  truth.  One  thing  I  note,  that  the  Spanish  ambassadour, 
the  Pope's  nuncio,  and  the  Jesuits,  if  any  thinge  fal  out  in  any  parte  of 
Christendome  on  their  side,  they  blase  yt  abroade  by  their  swarmes  of  spies, 
to  the  uttermost  in  every  corner.  And  if  matter  fayle  them,  they  cease  not 
every  second  day  to  coyne  newe  rumors  and  false  limits,  wch,  notwith- 
standing, they  be  most  untrue  and  vayne,  yet  I  find  by  experience  that 
they  worke  very  great  and  strange  effects.  On  the  other  side  if  any  thinge 
fal  out  against  them,  they  seeke  a  thousand  devises  and  shifts  to  suppresse 
yt.  As  they  covered  conningly  a  good  while  their  overtlirowe  in  Februarie 
last  amonge  the  Grisons :  and  nowe  of  late  w**  terrible  othes  they  deny 
their  defeyt  upon  the  river  of  Andwerpe ;  wch  we  cannot  urge  soe  farr 
foorth  as  we  wold,  unlesse  wee  had  certayne  advertisement  thereof  out  of 
England.  Notwithstanding  I  have  bin  advertised  by  men  of  good  intelli- 
gence that  whereas  the  Prince  of  Parma  had  purposed  to  have  ayded 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXlll 


le  of  the 
'en  in  the 


t  my  being  in 
sunt  to  crave 
er  Ma"'  twoo 
;8  of  iiiync  in 
er  in   cnglish 
pose   to   send 
vacation  of  a 
;  words  of  my 
atli,  vacation, 
y  cominge  out 
of  tliat  place, 
ti  if  yt  bu  not 
rth  tlie  money 
rmitted,  I  may 
Micrefore  I  am 
grante  to  be 
I   to  advertise 
lurses,  botli  in 
her  you  shold 
lie  yo'   honor 
nies.     And  to 
,t  commission, 
g  since  these 
:o  seeke  howe 
them  of  the 
lorts,  and  ad- 
anibassadour, 
any  parte  of 
rmos  of  spies, 
hey  cease  not 
Iwch,  notwitli- 
perience  that 
if  any  thinge 
to  suppresse 
in  Februarie 
■s  they  deny 
rge  soe  farr 
liereof  out  of 
good  intelli- 
have  ayded 


The  chnplaln  of  the  embassy,  not  content  with 
keeping  Walsingham,  Carlyle,  and  Sidney  well  in- 
formed regarding  the  Western  enterprises,  had  also 
been  careful,  I  repeat,  to  advertise  Sir  Walter  Raleigh 
from  time  to  time,  and  to  send  him  discourses,  both 
printed  and  written,  concerning  his  voyage.  As  these 
are  spoken  of  as  sent  from  Paris,  and  not  furnished 
in  London,  they  may  have  been  contributions  of  Ilak- 
luyt  to  the  memorial  above  referred  to,  by  means  of 
which  Raleigh's  patent  was  procured. 

It  appears  also  by  this  letter  that "  two  dayes  before 

Guise  with  fifteen  hundred  footemen  and  three  hundred  Albaneses  Horse- 
men, upon  tlicse  nowe  accidents  at  Ostcnd  and  on  tlie  river,  lie  hath  been  con- 
strayned  to  send  a  countermaund  to  stay  them  at  home ;  wch  matter  of  And- 
wcrpe  if  yt  be  wel  followed  wil  frustrate  Guise  of  his  forces  that  he  hoped 
for  out  of  the  Lowe  countrcys  and  constrayne  him  and  his  faction  to  sur- 
cease his  troubling  of  them  of  the  religion,  and  to  growe  more  willingly  to 
composition  with  the  King.  Yt  viras  told  mee  in  secret  that  tlie  King  had 
sent  by  Marseilles  a  messenger  to  Constantinople  within  lesse  than  this 
moneth.  Yo'  honor  may  gesse  why  wee  hear  that  here  is  looked  for  shortly 
a  legate  from  Rome.  I  wold  have  sent  yo'  honor  diverse  I'ami)lilets  both  in 
writing  and  printed  but  that  I  knowe  Mr.  Wade  hath  them  al  for  yo'  Honor. 
Therefore  for  the  present  I  surcease,  beseeching  the  Almightie  to  blesse  and 
prosper  yo" .    Paris  the  7**  of  April  85,  yo'  honor's  humble  to  command. 

Richard  Hakluyt. 

The  rumor  of  S'  Walter  Rawle's  Fleet,  and  especially  the  preparation  of 
S'  Francis  Drake,  doth  soe  much  vexe  the  Spaniard  and  his  fautors  as 
nothing  can  doe  more  ;  and  therefore  I  cold  wysh  that  although  S'  Francis 
Drake's  journey  be  stayed,  yet  the  rumor  of  his  setting  forward  might  be 
continued.  They  have  sent  some  to  enquire  of  that  action  in  conning 
manner  of  my  Lord  himself,  as  he  told  me. 

They  have  given  out  here  within  these  three  dayes  even  in  the  French 
Courte,  that  diverse  my  Lords  in  England  were  up  in  amies,  and  the  Catho- 
licks  with  them,  and  that  they  had  taken  an  Hand  yea  Creith,  yo'  man 
was  diverse  tymes  demanded  thereof. 

[Addressed] 

To  the  right  honorable 
[Endorsed]  S'   Francis  Walsingham 

7  Ajiril.  principal  Sccretarie  to 

From  M.  Hackluyt.  her  Ma"'  give  these 

at  the  Courte. 
«  15S5 


■^ 


XXXIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


his  dlspach,"  —  that  is,  before  his  return  toPiiriH,  evi- 
dently in  the  early  part  of  the  autumn  of  15S4,  —  he 
exhibited  to  the  Queen  a  manuscript  book  in  PiUglish 
concerning  "  Mr.  Rawley's  voyage,"  —  a  book  tiius 
agreeing  with  the  purport  of  the  title-page  of  our 
Discourse  to  have  been  written  before  the  return  of 
the  two  barks,  which  happened  about  the  middle  of 
September,  and  with  the  evidence  within  its  pages 
that  it  was  still  in  hand  after  August  of  that  year. 

It  will  perhaps  be  considered  as  sufficiently  proved, 
therefore,  that  a  discourse  answering  in  a  general 
way  to  our  manuscript,  as  to  its  author,  contents, 
time  and  place  of  composition,  was  written  by  ITak- 
luyt,  and  presented  to  the  Queen,  say  in  September, 
1584.  But  how  can  we  know  that  that  discourse  was 
identically  the  same  one  here  published  for  the  first 
time  ;  or  that  it  might  not  have  been  another  discourse 
quite  different  from  this,  which,  having  served  its 
purpose,  was  like  this  permitted  to  fall  into  oblivion  ? 
This  question  is  satisfactorily  answered  by  another 
paper  found  in  the  Rolls  Office,  and  indicated  in  Mr. 
Lemon's  Cidcndar  of  State  Papers  of  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  1581-90,  Vol.  CXCV.,  Art.  127,  by  the 
following  notice  : 

"  Copy,  probably  in  the  handwriting  of  James  Lancas- 
ter, the  navigator,  of  the  20  Heads  of  Chapters  contained 
in  the  book  of  Sir  Walter  "Raleigh's  Voyage  to  the  West 
Indies,  wliich  is  offered  for  the  rareness  of  the  matter,  and 
for  that  few  or  none  (her  Majesty  excepted)  hath  seen  the 
same.  The  bearer  and  author,  Mr.  Hakluyt,  will  present 
the  book  to  the  Secretary." 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXV 


iiris,  evi- 
U,  — he 

English 
ook  thus 
e  of  our 
return  of 
midtllo  of 
its  pages 
,t  year. 
y  proved, 
a  general 

contents, 
I  by  Hak- 
eptember, 
iourse  was 
)r  the  first 
r  discourse 
served   its 
>  oblivion  ? 
)y  another 
ted  in  Mr. 
e  reign  of 

7,  by  the 


Tlie  same  paper  is  indicated  in  Mr.  Sainsbury'a 
Calendar  of  tlie  Colonial  Series,  East  Indies,  placed 
there  on  account  of  the  head  of  the  17th  chapter, 
while  the  other  nineteen  heads  refer  to  the  West 
Indies :  — 

"  Heads  of  the  Chapters  contained  in  the  book  of  Sir 
Walter  Raloigli's  voyaj^fe  to  the  West  Indies.  In  the  17th 
it  is  argued  tliat  by  these  Colonies  [proposed  to  be  planted] 
the  North-west  passage  to  Cathay  and  China  may  be 
easily,  quiokl}',  and  perfectly  searched  out,  as  well  by 
river  and  overland  as  by  sea,  and  proofs  are  quoted  from 
testimonies  out  of  the  three  volumes  of  voyages,  gatliered 
by  Kamusius  and  other  great  authors."  ^  —  (1513-1016, 
p.  94.) 

Tills  entry  had  already  been  copied  for  me  by  Mr. 
Sainsbury,  among  other  extracts,  from  the  Calendars  ; 
and,  without  attracting  particular  attention,  had 
become  familiar  to  my  eye.  Accordingly,  when  I 
read  in  the  title-page  of  the  manuscript  of  Sir 
Thomas  Phillipps  that  the  "  Discourse  is  divided 
into  twenty-one  chapters,  the  titles  whereof  follow," 
this  entry  was  vaguely  recalled  to  my  recollection, 
and  a  surmise  suggested  that  this  Discourse  might 
be  the  lost  book  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  vo^^age  to 
which  it  refers.     This  surmise  was  strengthened  by 


ill 


1  In  the  above  abstract  from  Mr.  Sainsbury's  Calendar,  he  does  not  give 
the  important  information  from  tlio  foot-note  of  tlio  Heads  of  Chapters 
that  Mr.  Hakluyt  was  the  autlior  of  tlie  book  of  Sir  Walter  Halei^h's  Voy- 
age, as  Mr.  Lemon  had  done  in  the  abstract  quoted  from  his  Calendar. 
Hakluyt's  name  seems  also  to  have  escaped  Mr.  St.  John,  in  liis  Life  of 
Raleigh  (1809,  p.  2:3),  who  appears  to  have  consulted  those  Heads  of  Chap- 
ters, or  the  abstracts  in  the  Calendars,  as  he  attributes  the  lost  book  to  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh. 


XXXVl 


INTUODUCTION. 


noticing  that  the  title  of  the  scvcntoontli  chapter 
given  by  Mr.  Suinshury  agrees  literally  with  the 
title  of  the  Hcvonteenth  chapter  in  the  manuscript. 
It  was  accordingly  with  a  .strong  presmnption  of  the 
truth  of  my  conjecture  that  I  repaired  to  the  Pul)lie 
Record  Office,  and,  working  again  with  the  assistance 
of  Mrs.  Green,  obtained  access  to  the  original  paper ; 
and  on  comparing  with  her  the  20  heads  of  chapterff, 
with  the  titles  of  the  21  heads  of  chapters  into  which 
the  Discourse  is  divided,  obtained  not  an  absolute 
agreement,  but  an  agreement  in  which  the  very 
differences  only  prove  more  clearly  that  they  were 
copies  of  a  common  original. 

To  make  this  more  obvious,  a  facsimile  of  the 
original  paper  is  here  presented,  followed  by  a  literal 
copy  of  two  or  three  of  the  heads  of  chapters,  in 
which  the  words  and  parts  of  words  torn  away,  or 
effaced  from  the  original,  by  time  or  accident,  are 
supplied,  not  by  conjecture,  but  from  the  titles  of 
our  Discourse.  The  supplementary  words  and  letters 
drawn  from  the  titles  of  the  Discourse  tally  exactly, 
in  every  instance,  with  the  fragmentary  parts  of  the 
Heads  of  Chapters.     (See  Appendix.) 

The  21st  chapter  of  the  Phillipps  manuscript  is  of 
the  nature  of  an  appendix,  and  was  subsequently 
added.  Its  title  is,  "  A  note  of  some  thinges  to  be 
prepared  for  the  voyadge,  which  is  sett  down  rather  to 
drawe  the  takers  of  the  voyadge  in  hande  to  the 
presente  consideration,  then  for  any  other  reason," 
&c. ;  and  the  heading  of  the  concluding  part  of  that 
chapter  is,  "  Things  forgotten  may  here  be  noted  as 
they  come  to  mynde,"  &c. 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXVll 


But  a  very  important  and  interesting  foot-note  is 
written  underneath  the  Heads  of  Chapters  in  the 
niaim.script  in  the  Record  Ollice,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing is  a  copy,  in  modern  .spelling :  — 

"  These  twenty  severnl  titles  are  the  heads  of  tlie  chap- 
ters contniiied  in  the  hook  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Voyage 
to  the  West  Indies,  which,  hecause  of  the  rareness  of 
matter  therein  contained,  and  also  for  that  few  or  none  (her 
Majesty  excepte)  hath  seen,  I  thought  it  hest  to  offer 
your  Worship  my  lahor  therein  as  one  who  hest  deserveth 
the  same,  and  therefore  have  sent  you  the  titles  to  know 
whether  you  like  of  the  same  or  no.  This  hearer  and 
author  of  the  foresaid  work,  Mr.  Ihikluyt,  d<tli  at  th»3 
instant  present  the  book,  written  all  with  my  hai  Lo  Mr. 
Secretary,  who  hath  very  earnestly  often  timt  'it  for 
it,  and  so  hath  the  Earl  of  Leicester ;  but,  as  yet,  this  is 
the  first  exscription,  and,  if  your  Worship  please,  you  shall 
liave  the  second,  when  I  shall  understand  so." 


ill 


This  foot-note  is  singularly  interesting  and  singu- 
larly obscure  and  difficult  of  interpretation,  were  it 
not  for  the  key  furnished  by  papers  recently  come  iv 
light.  It  is  in  reality  a  letter,  though  it  has  nothing 
in  the  usual  form  to  show  when,  where,  and  by  whom 
it  was  written,  or  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  These 
points,  however,  may  be  inferred,  with  reasonable 
probability,  from  the  contents  of  the  note,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  Ilakluyt  letter  of  7th  April,  1585, 
and  other  contemporary  facts.  In  that  letter,  written 
in  Paris,  Mr.  Ilakluyt  informs  Secretary  Walsinghara 
of  his  purpose  to  send  his  Honor,  inmiediately  after 
Easter,  the  copy  of  a  manuscript  book  of  his  in  Eng- 


XXXVIU 


INTRODUCTION. 


lish  concerning  Mr.  Raleigh's  Voyage,  which  had 
been  shown  to  Queen  Elizabeth  two  cloys  before  he 
left  England  the  pievioiis  year.  T"  the  foot-note  wo 
read  that  Mr.  Hakluyt,  the  bearer  and  author  of  the 
aforesaid  book,  doth  at  this  instant  present  it  to  Mr. 
Secretary.  What  has  led  our  good  chaplain  to  alter 
his  plan,  and  to  be  the  bearer  of  his  book  instead  of 
sending  it  by  another  ?  In  his  letter,  he  seems  to  be 
anxious  lest  his  granL  from  the  Queen  of  the  next 
vacancy  of  a  prebend  in  Bristol  Cathedral  should  be 
frustrated  by  the  dealing  of  Mr.  Sanders,  a  jirebend 
of  that  place. 

Now,  even  if  other  evidence  were  wanting,  it 
is  to  be  presimied  that  he  would  have  sent  the  copy 
at  the  time  promised,  unless  he  could  count  upon 
presenting  it  in  pers  in  not  far  from  that  time  ;  and 
we  accordingly  infer  that  it  was  not  long  after 
Easter  that  Mr.  Hakluyt  presented  his  copy  to  Mr. 
Secretary.  The  fact  that  he  was  in  England  again 
not  far  from  Easter,  in  the  spring  of  1585,  is  con- 
firmed by  the  following  item  extracted  from  the 
Records  of  the  Chapter  Book  of  the  Bristol  Cathe- 
dral ;  namely,  on  the  24th  of  May,  1585,  Richard 
Hakluyt  exhibited  the  Queen's  mandate  for  the  next 
prebend.*     It  would  seem  accordingly  that,  not  con- 


>< 


'  From  the  Records  of  the  Chapter  Books  of  the  Bristol  Cathedral,  it 
appears  that  on  ^4th  May,  1585,  Richard  Hakluyt  exhibited  the  Queen's 
maTidate  for  tlie  next  vacant  prebend.  Tliis  i.s  the  statement  of  John  Le 
Neve  in  his  "  Fasti  Ecclesiic  An;;!."  In  Browne  Willis's  "  Survey  of  Cathe- 
drals," II.  V88-!  the  statement  is  that  he  obtained,  24th  May,  1585,  the  Royal 
mandate,  wliicli  seems  to  be  incorrect,  as  Hakluyt  in  his  letter  represento 
himself  as  havinfi  obtiiined  it,  and  paid  money  for  the  seals,  at  the  close  ot 
liis  vacation  in  England,  the  previous  year.    It  would  seem  probable  that 


m 


INTRODUCTION. 


XXXIX 


lich  had 
)efore  he 
-note  wc 
or  of  the 
it  to  Mr. 
I  to  alter 
nstead  of 
nns  to  be 
the  next 
should  be 
L  prebend 

mting,  it 
the  copy 
uut  upon 
ime  ;  and 
Dug  after 
py  to  Mr. 
,nd  again 
is  con- 
rom  the 
;ol  Cathe- 
I,  Richard 
the  next 

not   con- 
Cathedral,  it 
tlie  QiR'on'3 
of  John  Le 
fey  of  Cathe- 
l85,  the  Royal 
ler  ropresentd 
It  the  c'Uise  ot 
Lrobable  that 


tent  with  having  invoked  the  aid  of  Walsingham  to 
prevent  benig  frustrated  by  the  dealing  of  Mr.  Sand- 
ers, he  thought  it  best,  perhaps  on  the  suggestion  of 
the  Secretary,  and  doubtless  by  the  permission  of 
the  Ambassador,  to  visit  England  again,  and  exhibit  in 
person  before  the  Chapter  of  Bristol  Cathedral  the 
Queen's  mandate,  which  he  had  received  the  previous 
year  before  his  "  dispach  "  from  England,  and  which 
was  already  signed  and  sealed. 

It  may  then  be  safely  inferred  that  Mr.  Hakluyt 
presented  the  book  to  Secretary  Walsingham  not  far 
from  the  time  when  he  purposed  to  send  it ;  that  is, 
soon  after  Easter,  1585. 

Having  thus  in  duty  bound  presented  the  first 
copy  to  Walsingham,  who  would  be  thought  of  by 
him  as  best  deserving  the  next  ?  wdio  sooner  than  his 
old  fellow- student  at  Oxford,  the  steady  friend  of  the 
Western  planting,  to  whom  he  had  himself  dedicated 
his  first  work  on  the  Divers  Voyages  (1582),  whom 
he  had  almost  persuaded  the  last  smnmer  to  join  in 
this  voyage  of  Raleigh,  the  worthy  and  virtuous  son- 
in-law  of  Walsingham,  to  whom  in  all  his  letters  to 

he  exhibited  this  mandate  in  person,  having  some  anxiety  about  the  deal- 
ing of  Mr.  Sanders,  and  having  his  old  friends  the  Aldworths  to  see,  and 
desiring  to  learn  something  about  the  Western  Navigations  in  that  seat  of 
niiirilinie  enterprise.  It  seems  he  did  not  have  to  wait  "  for  seven  and  seven 
years  before  he  should  be  placed,"  as  be  feared  ;  for,  befor*?  the  close  of  the 
year  1585,  the  coveted  vacancy  occurred  by  the  death  of  the  Rev.  Arthur 
Sawle,  and  lie  was  admitted  in  158(),  and  held  it,  together  witli  his  other 
])refernu'nts.  till  the  time  of  his  death  in  ]C16.  (Compare  Biog.  Brit.,  Vol. 
iV.  1757.)  "Notwithstanding  this  preferment,  he  did  not,  as  he  informs 
us  himself,  give  up  his  post  of  chaplain  to  the  British  Embass}',  at  Paris, 
nntil  1588,  when  he  returned  tc  England  with  Lady  Slieffleld,  sister  to  his 
early  patron,  the  Lord  Aiimiral  Howard,  after  a  residence  m  France  of  five 
years."     (Jones's  Introd.  to  Divers  Voyages.) 


xl 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  Secretary  he  sent  his  personal  compliments,  — 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  ?  What  more  natural  than  that, 
having  made  a  copy  of  the  titles  of  the  Heads  of 
Chapters,  with  a  view  of  offering  it  to  him,  he  should 
then  and  there  write  a  note  at  the  end  of  the  extract, 
offering  that  first  extract,  and  more  if  he  desired  it  ?  ^ 
At  the  time  of  the  presentation  of  this  Discourse 
to  Walsingham,  and  when  the  author  made  the  copy 
of  the  Heads  of  Chapters  for  another  person,  the 
book  could  iiot  have  been  wholly  finished  in  its 
present  form.  Certainly  an  additional  chapter  (No. 
21)  was  subsequently  added,  as  a  sort  of  appendix. 
The  title-page  which  the  Discourse  now  bears  could 
not  have  been  prefixed  to  the  copy  presented  to  the 
Queen,  if  we  may  suppose  that  she  received  it  not 
long  after  it  was  written,  —  that  is,  "  before  the  com- 
ing home  of  the  two  barks,"  in  September,  1584, — 
inasmuch  as  "  Mr.  Walter  Rayhly,  nowe  Knight,"  was 
not  knighted  till  some  months  later,  —  between  the 
19th  December,  1584,  and  the  24th  February,  1585. 
In  Hakluyt's  letter  from  Paris  referred  to,  he  speaks 
of  this  book  presented  to  the  Queen,  as  "  Mr.  Rawley's 
Voyage  in  English  "  ;  and  in  the  foot-note  to  the  heads 

1  The  copy  of  tlie  twenty  Heads  of  Chapters  in  the  Record  Office,  with 
the  note  written  underneiitli,  evidently  originating  with  Haliluyt,  appears 
not  to  be  in  liis  handwriting.  At  least,  Mrs.  Green  thinlcs  it  cannot  be 
his,  unless  he  had  two  hands  differing  considerably  from  each  other.  Mr. 
Lemon  believed  the  document  to  be  in  the  handwriting  of  Sir  James  Lan- 
caster, the  celebrated  navigator,  which  is  not  confirmed.  Hakluyt's  original 
paper  may  have  been  subsequently  transcribed  by  another,  as  there  is 
subjoined  to  the  Record  Office  copy,  in  the  same  hand,  some  "  particulars 
of  the  embassy  from  the  King  of  Japan  to  Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  with  the 
oration  of  tlie  ambassador,  aiul  tlie  answer  of  the  pontiff."  Pope  Gregory 
gave  audience  to  this  embassy  on  the  23d  March,  1685,  as  we  learn  from 
Purchas  (Pilgrimage,  ed.  I(il4,  p.  533J. 


f4 


INTRODUCTION. 


Xli 


exits,  — 
in  that, 
[eads  of 
>  should 
extract, 
edit?^ 
iscourse 
he  copy 
!on,  the 
i  in  its 
ter  (No. 
ipendix. 
rs  could 
1  to  the 
d  it  not 
the  com- 
1584,— 
ht,"  was 
k^een  the 
y,  1585. 
i  speaks 
lawley's 
le  heads 

•llic'o,  with 

|yt,  appears 
c'iinnot  be 

|)tlier.    Mr. 

Ilanies  Lan- 
rt's  original 
[IS  tiiore  is 

Ipiirtifiiliirs 
.,  with  tiio 
lie  Gregory 
1  learn  from 


;i 


of  chapters,  "  as  the  booke  of  S'  Walt :  Raighleyes 
viage  to  the  West  Indies."  Quite  hkely  the  present 
title-page  was  prefixed  to  the  Discourse  at  the  time 
the  21st  chapter  was  added,  concerning  which  we  have 
no  positive  data. 

It  would  appear  from  the  foregoing  that  at  least 
three,  if  not  four,  copies  of  this  Discourse,  were 
made  by  Hakluyt,  besides  the  original,  which  he 
would  naturally  retain  for  himself.  The  first  was 
presented  to  the  Queen,  as  it  was  written  for  her  own 
eye,  and  for  those  to  whom  she  might  choose  to  show 
it.  It  was  not  written  for  the  press.  The  second  was 
made  for  her  chief  secretary,  Walsingham,  who  had 
heard  of  the  book,  perhaps  had  seen  the  Queen's 
copy,  and  now  desired  a  copy  for  himself.  A  third 
may  have  been  made  for  his  "  Worship,"  to  whom  the 
Heads  of  Chapters  were  sent;  and  the  fourth,  Sir 
Thomas  Phillipps's  copy,  which  alone  contained  the 
21st  chapter,  or  appendix. 

How  many  of  these  copies  were  in  Hakluyt's  own 
handwriting  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  nor 
whether  any  other  copies  are  now  in  existence.  It  is 
certainly  not  improbable  that  others  may  be  hidden 
away  in  some  royal  chamber,  buried  in  the  dust  of 
ages,  or  in  some  private  collection ;  and  that  they 
may  yet  be  brought  to  light  by  accident,  or  rescued 
from  their  hiding-place  by  some  plodding  antiquary. 
A  manuscript  so  large  as  this,  written  by  so  renowned 
an  author,  under  such  distinguished  auspices,  relat- 
ing to  a  subject  more  vital  than  any  other  to  the 
welfare  of  England,  could  hardly,  after  its  immedi- 

/ 


if 

'1-      n 


•M 


xlii 


INTPODUCTION. 


ate  use,  have  been  treated  with  neglect  or  allowed 
to  perish  by  the  illustrious  personages  into  whose 
hands  it  came,  or,  one  would  think,  by  their  heirs 


and  assigns. 


At  the  time  when  this  Discourse  purports  to  have 
been  written,  in  the  summer  of  1584,  Raleigh,  though 
only  thirty-two  years  old,  had  already  earned  his 
position  and  entered  upon  the  career  as  the  founder 
of  the  transatlantic  colonies  of  Great  Britain.  Every 
thing  in  the  circumstances  of  his  birth,  his  early 
education  and  subsequent  experience,  had  contributed 
to  qualify  him  for  this  position  and  work.  Descended 
on  his  mother's  side  from  the  Champernouns,  a  family 
equally  distinguished  for  rank  and  for  public  services, 
he  had  inherited  a  noble  nature,  instinct  with  loyalty, 
patriotism,  and  the  spirit  of  honorable  enterprise. 
These  gifted  powers  had  received  an  early  bias  in  the 
direction  of  maritime  adventure.  He  lived  in  the 
county  of  Devon,  bordering  easterly  upon  the  sea,  and 
saw  the  ships  depart  for  the  new-found  lands^  and, 
when  they  returned,  heard  the  stories  of  the  captain 
and  sailor,  of  the  wonders  they  had  witnessed  and 
the  exploits  they  had  performed.  In  his  boyhood,  he 
read  the  tales  of  Spanish  discovery,  conquest,  and 
possession  in  the  New  World,  and  conceived  a 
youthful  admiration  for  the  heroism  in  danger,  and 
fortitude  and  patience  in  suffering,  which  he  had 
occasion  enough  to  remember  in  his  own  subsequent 
fortunes,  and  which  he  expressed  in  the  review  of 
his  life,  from  the  outlook  of  the  Tower,  in  his  History 
of  the  World. 


1 


INTRODUCTION. 


xliii 


But  as  he  grew  up,  and  began  to  enter  into  the 
great  conflict  of  the  age  and  of  the  country,  his  ad- 
miration for  Spanish  heroism  was  supplanted  by  a 
detestation  for  Spanish  aggressions.  During  the  five 
or  six  years  of  his  service  in  France  for  the  Hugue- 
nots, under  Coligny,  he  had  learned  the  fate  experi- 
enced by  the  Huguenot  Colony  in  Florida  at  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards,  and  at  the  same  lime  had 
listened  to  the  story  of  the  beauty  and  richness  and 
extent  of  the  country,  stretching  far  away  to  the 
north  ;  and  had  seen  them  drawn  in  lively  colors  by 
Le  Moyne,  whom  he  had  brought  to  London  and 
maintained  at  his  own  charges  at  Blackfriars,  with  a 
view  to  his  own  projects. 

He  seems  thus  early  to  have  resolved  that  those 
fair  regions  beyond  the  seas  should  not  be  so  easily 
al)andoned  to  the  Spanish  power,  but  that  the  ex- 
periment of  an  English  colony  should  be  tried,  by 
which  Spain  could  bo  confronted  on  this  new  sphere, 
and  this  Land  of  Promise  be  wrested  from  her 
grasp,  with  all  its  beauties  and  treasures,  and 
added  to  the  domain  of  the  sovereign  Lady  of  Brit- 
ain. His  eyes  were  now  turned  to  the  West ;  and  he 
saw,  by  faith,  future  colonies  planted  there  in  de- 
fiance of  Spain,  and  could  not  be  contented  till  he 
was  engaged  in  the  work. 

Soon  after  his  return  from  France,  in  1576,  he 
accordingly  enlisted  in  the  projects  of  his  step- 
brother. Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  for  more  than 
twenty  years  had  employed  himself  by  successive 
petitions,  and  at  length  by  an  elaborate  discourse,  in 


1^ 


■  i-v; 


m 


ft 

* 

It 


I 


xliv 


INTRODUCTION. 


recommending  to  the  Queen  and  the  government  to 
prosecute  the  Western  discovery  and  colonization, 
but  with  no  other  effect  tlian  to  set  on  foot  the  gold- 
hunting  expeditions  of  Frobisher.  These  had  nearly 
run  their  course,  ending  in  disappointment  and  mor- 
tification, when  Raleigh  brought  to  the  aid  of  Gilbert 
the  enthusiasm  and  energy  of  his  character,  and  im- 
pressed a  new  st«amp  upon  the  cause.  There  is  some 
reason  for  thinking  that  the  views  of  Raleigh  differed 
in  some  respects  from  those  originally  advocated  by 
Gilbert,  and  that,  although  he  was  younger  by  thir- 
teen years,  he  exerted  a  strong  influence  in  giving 
force  and  direction  to  the  subsequent  enterprises  of 
Sir  Humphrey. 

He  enlisted  in  the  projects  of  his  step-brother,  and 
went  Avith  him  on  his  first  expedition,  —  from  Novem- 
ber, 1578,  to  June,  1579,  —  under  the  Royal  Charter, 
which  ended,  indeed,  in  disaster,  but  at  the  same 
time,  it  is  plausibly  conjectured,  furnished  him  that 
personal  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions in  the  New  World,  so  useful  to  him,  and  by 
which  his  future  course  was  directed. 

About  the  same  period,  for  three  or  four  years,  he 
was  employed  in  various  military  and  diplomatic  ser- 
vices in  Ireland,  and  in  the  Netherlands,  by  which,  if 
he  was  diverted  temporarily  from  his  favorite  mari- 
time enterprises,  he  was  engaged  in  contending 
against  the  same  omnipresent  enemy,  and  gained 
that  knowledge  of  the  whole  field  of  action  and  of 
the  great  actors  in  it,  and  that  favor  of  the  Queen 
and  the   Council,  by  which    he  became  eminently 


INTRODUCTION. 


xlv 


gained 
and  of 


qualified  for  the  great  part  he  was  soon  to  act,  and 
was  enabled  to  accomplish  with  such  efficiency. 

Relieved  at  length  from  these  engagements,  he 
returned  to  his  more  congenial  projects,  and  early 
in  1584  aided  his  brother  Adrian  Gilbert  in  pro- 
curing a  patent,  and  in  fitting  out  an  expedition  for 
the  discovery  of  the  North-west  Passage;  having, 
in  the  previous  year,  assisted  his  brother  Humphrey 
in  setting  forth  his  second  and  fatal  expedition,  under 
his  patent  of  1578.  Though  he  did  not  embark  in 
person,  he  spared  no  expense  in  equipping  a  ship, 
which  bore  his  own  name,  but  which,  however,  soon 
returned  to  port,  either  through  the  breaking  out 
of  some  infectious  disease,  as  reported,  or  by  the 
treachery  of  the  captain,  as  conjectured  by  Hayes. 

On  the  9th  of  September,  1583,  the  bark  of  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  foundered,  and  this  gallant  adven- 
turer went  down.  But  the  cause  did  not  sink  with 
him.  When  t  he  news  of  his  fate  reached  England  by 
the  return  of  the  "  Golden  Hind,"  22d  September, 
it  was  resolved  by  the  adherents  of  Gilbert  that  the 
cause  should  be  prosecuted.  There  were  many  as- 
pirants for  the  leadership ;  but  Raleigh  distanced  all 
competitors,  and  obtained,  25th  March,  1584,  a  patent 
from  the  Queen,  renew* i>g  to  him  all  the  privileges 
granted  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert.  On  the  27th  of 
the  next  month,  he  sent  out  two  barks  mth  directions 
to  explore  the  coast,  and  awaited  their  return  and 
the  report  they  should  bring,  before  sending  forth 
the  first  English  colony. 

To  Raleigh's  hands  was  now  intrusted  the  work  of 


^  m 


i\ 


<• 


1      :' 


* 


xlvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


planting  the  English  race  on  the  shores  of  the  New 
World.  Under  this  grant  of  Elizabeth,  till  its  for- 
feiture by  the  attainder  of  James  in  1C03,  all  that 
was  done  in  this  honorable  service,  during  this  twenty 
years,  was  under  Raleigh's  title. 

What  he  did  has  been  often  told,  and  has  left 
nothing  to  be  desired,  and  does  not  concern  us  here. 
The  reason  which  controlled  his  action,  and  the  policy 
out  of  which  this  effort  grew,  have  not  been  so  fully 
exhibited.  This  policy  was  slowly  developed  by  his 
experiences  in  France,  in  Ireland  and  the  Nether- 
lands ;  as  also  in  his  reading,  and  in  his  intercourse 
with  Coligny,  William  of  Orange,  and  other  distin- 
guished statesmen  of  the  time. 

Though  Raleigh's  Virginia  enterprise  failed,  and 
he  has  not  the  honor  of  planting  the  English  race  in 
America,  "  his  hopes  were  strong  enough  to  with- 
stand the  failure  of  nine  several  expeditions,  and  the 
natural  discouragement  of  twelve  years'  imprison- 
ment. Just  on  the  eve  of  his  own  fall  from  outward 
greatness,  he  had  written  :  '  I  shall  yet  live  to  see  it 
an  ExGLisii  Nation.'  That  faith  remained  with 
him  to  the  Tower,  and  he  did  live  to  see  his  pre- 
diction realizf'd.  .  .  His  Virginia  enterprise  had 
failed,  but  his  perseverance  in  it  had  sown  broad- 
cast the  seeds  of  eventual  success.  .  .  Raleigh  is  the 
virtual  founder  of  Virginia,  and  of  what  has  grown 
thereout."     (Edwards's  Life  of  Raleigh,  I.  91,  93.) 

Having  now  assumed  this  great  work  of  coloniza- 
tion, he  felt  its  responsibility,  and  employed  the  in- 


INTRODUCTION. 


xlvii 


and 


terval  in  making  ready  to  avail  himself  of  the  report 
of  liis  captains,  when  they  should  return. 

Tiie  diil'crcnt  interests  of  those  who  had  schemes 
of  their  own,  and  had  heen  superseded,  were  to  be 
conciliated.  New  adherents  were  to  be  gained. 
Ilis  grant  was  to  be  confirmed  by  Parliament.^  The 
general  reasons  for  engaging  in  this  worlc  were  to  be 
stated,  and  the  particular  reasons  in  the  existing  state 
of  things  were  to  be  given.  While  the  great  public 
were  to  be  influenced  with  the  prospect  of  gold,  the 
Queen  and  Council  were  to  be  informed  of  the 
necessity,  arising  out  of  the  political  condition  of 
England,  for  immediate  action.  A  text-book  for  the 
English  Statesman,  now  that  the  nation  was  at  length 
starting  upon  this  great  work,  was  to  be  prepared, 
which  should  embrace  a  summary  of  the  reasons  for 
this  enterprise  scattered  through  the  Discourses  of 
Carlyle,  Peckham,  and  Hayes,  already  written,  and 
which  should  include  a  statement  of  those  additional 
reasons  which  had  been  suggested  to  himself  :  some- 
thing which,  if  it  could  not  be  made  puljlic  as  a 
whole,  might  serve  to  confirm  the  faith  and  define 

'  With  diplomatic  skill,  TJak'iiih  bound  to  liis  interest  the  parties  who  encli 
had  separate  suhenies  of  his  own  to  prosecnt^e  after  the  death  of  Gilbert. 
This  was  aceoniplished,  in  part,  by  liis  bringing  about  a  marriage  between 
liobert  Sidney,  the  younger  brother  of  Philip  Sidney,  and  his  lovely 
cousin  Rarbara  Gainage,  the  heiress  of  large  estates,  by  which  Philip  Sidney 
and  his  father-in-law,  Walsinghani,  and  the  hitter's  step-son,  Cliristopher 
Carlyle,  and  Sidney's  uncle  Leycester,  were  bound  by  family  ties  to  his 
enterprise.  And  it  is  not,  perhaps,  ascribing  too  much  to  beauty  and 
wealth,  and  the  family  ties  resting  on  them,  to  suppose  that  Barbara  had 
something  to  do  in  bringing  about  that  accord  which  was  witnessed  in  Parlia- 
ment a  few  months  later,  when  Walsingham  and  Sidney  were  on  a  committee 
to  whom  was  referred  the  application  for  a  confirmation  of  Raleigh's  patent. 
(Life  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  by  James  Augustus  St.  John,  1869,  pp.  87,  88.) 


m 

l:'  H- 


!.    .1 


i  I 


a 

i 


-i-i 


xlviii 


INTRODUCTION". 


the  views  of  those  interested  ;  so  that  this  might  not 
prove  as  evanescent  an  interest  as  some  of  the  pre- 
ceding,—  that  Froljisher's  quest  of  gold  and  Adrian 
Gilbert's  search  for  the  North-west  Passage  might 
not  be  the  only  motives,  —  but  that  a  broad,  compre- 
hensive, national  policy  might  be  adopted. 

Much  of  this  work  might  be  done  by  himself,  but 
some  of  it,  perhaps,  might  be  better  done  by  others. 
While  the  great  policy  had  formed  itself  in  his  own 
mind  by  his  far-reaching  views,  by  his  wide  experi- 
ence, the  exhibiting  it  with  the  literary  finish  and 
the  learned  illustrations  desirable  might  well  be 
thought  too  much  for  one  immersed  in  the  practical 
business  of  fitting  out  this  great  colonial  expedition. 
With  few  exceptions,  the  works  by  which  Raleigh's 
fame  as  an  author  is  established  were  not  written 
until  he  was  confined  in  the  Tower.  There  were 
points  of  history,  questions  of  title,  theological  and 
moral  argumentations  to  be  pursued,  in  which  liter- 
ary assistance  might  be  wanted.  Dr.  Dee,  who  was 
a  kind  of  literary  secretary  of  this  whole  enterprise, 
and  had  often  been  consulted  by  navigators,  was  now 
absent  in  Germany. 

To  whom  should  Raleigh  look  for  assistance  but  to 
the  young  preacher,  Richard  Hakluyt.  Though  still 
a  young  man,  he  had  obtained  a  high  reputation,  and 
had  made  great  proficiency  in  maritime  studies.  As 
has  already  been  observe:!,  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  previously  in  the  confidence  of  Raleigh,  or  to 
have  known  his  plans.  As  late  as  April,  1584,  he 
did  not  know  of  Raleigh's   having  superseded  Car- 


INTRODUCTION. 


xlix 


^lit  not 
lie  pre- 
Adrian 
might 
!ompre- 

iclf,  but 
others, 
liis  own 
experi- 
ish   and 
well  be 
practical 
sedition, 
laleigh's 
written 
re  were 
ical  and 
ch  liter- 
vho  was 
erprise, 
,vas  now 


u 


e  but  to 
gh  still 

ion,  and 

ies.  As 
to  have 

h,  or  to 
584,  he 
ed  Car- 


lyle.  All  his  relations  appear  to  have  been  with 
Walsinghani,  Carlyle,  and  Sidney,  lie  must  how- 
ever, soon  niter  this,  have  l«>arned  the  turn  matters 
had  taken,  and  that  all  other  schemes  were  now 
merged  jnto  the  one  voyage  of  Mr.  Kaleigh ;  and  he 
doubtless  held  himself  at  the  service  of  the  new 
enterprise.  We  have  already  noticed  that  he  was 
sent  to  Paris  in  the  latter  part  of  1583,  as  chaplain 
of  the  embassy  ;  and  from  his  letters  to  Walsingham, 
written  in  January  and  April  of  the  following  year, 
from  the  embassy,  quoted  above,  it  is  obvious  what 
was  the  chief  object  of  his  mission,  lie  avowed 
his  readiness  to  hold  himself  and  all  his  talents  at  the 
service  of  the  cause  of  Western  planting. 

What  more  natural  than  that  Ilakluyt  should  be 
sent  for  in  the  emergency  to  aid  the  new  enter- 
prise ?  Such  a  hint  he  can  hardly  fail  to  have  re- 
ceived from  her  Majesty's  principal  secretary,  in 
Raleigh's  behalf ;  and,  having  obtained  leave  of  the 
Ambassador,  he  placed  himself  for  the  time  under 
the  direction  of  his  new  patron,  henceforth  the  great 
leader  in  the  goodly  work  of  Western  planting.  He 
was  first  of  all  to  learn  the  aims  and  objects  of  Kaleigh 
in  his  projected  colony ;  and  he  himself  has  said,  in 
the  Dedication  of  his  edition  of  Navigations,  1589, 
that  Raleigh  was  one  of  those  from  whom  he  had 
received  the  "  chief  est  light "  into  the  Western 
Navigations ;  implying  that  he  had  got  some  light 
here,  which,  with  all  his  studies,  he  had  not  received 
before. 

Having  gained  this  new  light  and  taken  these  in- 


(I 


4 


i  ^  I  -;^l 


1 


INTRODUCTION. 


structions,  he  is  soon  found  in  London,  actively 
en^nged  in  advocating  the  new  entor[)ri.so,  striking 
high,  and  aiming  to  gain  over  tlie  leading  men  of 
the  times.  He  does  not  pass  hy  his  fellow-student  at 
Oxford ;  but  after  Sidney  had  surrendered  a  part  of 
the  large  '"^oresthe  had  obtained  to  Sir  George  Peck- 
ham,  and  id  liimseK  to  England  by  marrying  the 
daughter  ot  Walsingham,  Ilalduyt  endeavors  to  per- 
suade him  to  join  in  this  new  enterprise.  In  a  let- 
ter from  Sidney  to  Stafford,  of  21st  July,  1584,  he 
says,  "  We  are  half  persuaded  to  enter  the  journey 
of  Sir  Ilum[)hrey  Gilbert  very  eagerly,  whereunto 
your  Mr.  Ilakluyt  hath  served  for  a  very  good 
trumpet."  (Sidney  Papers,  I.  389.)  "  The  journey 
of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert "  can  be  no  other  than  the 
continuation  of  the  enterprise  by  Raleigh,  Gilbert 
having  pei '  bed  at  sea  the  year  before,  and  his  patent 
having  e:         d  on  the  11th  of  June,  1584. 

It  thus  a|j|jears  that,  while  he  was  "  trumpeting  " 
the  cause  in  the  ears  of  the  great  men  of  the  nation, 
he  was  at  the  same  time  writing  a  book  for  the  eyes 
of  the  Queen  and  her  councillors ;  doing  thus  for  his 
new  patron  what  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  Sir  George 
Peckham,  and  Christopher  Carlyle  had  each  done 
with  his  own  hand  for  his  own  enterprise.  Raleigh 
had  in  Hakluyt  a  scribe  well  instructed  in  the  matters 
of  the  Western  Navigation,  and  able  from  his  own 
treasures  to  bring  forth  things  new  and  old  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  views  of  his  oracle.  It  should 
not  detract  from  the  merit  of  this  book,  as  an  expo- 
nent of  the  views  of  Raleigh,  that  his  own  pen  was 


I 


INTRODUCTION. 


li 


not  employed  in  its  profluction,  inasmuch  as  it 
appears  from  all  the  ciroumHtanceH  to  have  been  not, 
indeed,  from  his  dictation,  but  irom  his  HUf^gestion 
and  by  his  inspiration. 

It  might  be  supposed,  from  the  title-page  of  this 
Discourse,  reciting  that  it  was  written  at  the  request 
and  direction  of  the  Right  Worshipful  Mr.  Walter 
Raleigh,  before  the  coming  home  of  his  two  barks, 
that  it  would  have  for  its  object  to  advocate  the  pu; - 
pose  of  settlement  on  those  more  southern  regions 
afterwards  taken  possession  of  by  him,  —  the  so-called 
Virginia  voyage,  —  thereby  associating  it  with  the 
particular  expedition  on  which  these  vessels  Avere 
sent ;  but  it  will  be  seen  that  Raleigh's  name  is  not 
mentioned  in  it,  neither  does  the  Discourse  advocate 
the  scheme  of  any  particular  person  or  party.  It 
recommends  the  colonization  of  Norumbega,  and 
draws  special  attention  to  the  region  of  Cape  Breton, 
or  the  tract  near  by,  as  offering  superior  advantages 
for  the  beginning  of  the  enterprise.  The  writer 
contends  that  England  has  a  just  title  to  all  that 
firm  land  of  America,  from  Florida  northward  to 
67*,  and  not  yet  in  any  Christian  prince's  actual 
possession,  as  being  first  discovered  by  Sebastian 
Cabot  at  the  cost  of  King  Henry  VII. ;  and  that  Eng- 
land should  consummate  this  title  by  taking  possession 
by  colonization.  And  in  the  third  chapter  he  gives  a 
particular  description  of  the  soil,  climate,  and  pro- 
ductions of  the  whole  coast  from  30*  of  latitude  north- 
ward, so  far  as  he  is  able  to  find  such  a  description  ; 
beginning  mth  Ribault,  and  citing  Verrazzano,  Gomez, 


I* 


i:  ft 


l\ 


If 


rr-'MM 


lii 


INTRODUCTION. 


Cartier,  Peckham  and  many  others,  whose  published 
reUitions  had  come  under  his  eye  ;  showing  the  wealth 
that  may  be  derived  to  England  from  that  part  of 
A.merica,  "  if  by  our  slacknes  we  suffer  not  the 
French  or  others  to  prevente  us." 

The  term  "Norumbega,"  which  Hakluyt  employs, 
had  a  different  significance  at  different  periods. 
There  was  the  fabled  city  of  that  name,  seated  on  a 
large  rivei  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  —  the  Penobscot. 
Then  there  was  the  country  of  Norumbega,  of  wider 
extent,  sometimes  embracing  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
England,  and  at  one  time  covering  the  whole  coast 
from  Cape  Breton  to  30°  in  Florida.^  (See  in  Ra- 
musio,  III.  423,  "  Delia  terra  cU  Norumbega^)  Sub- 
sequently, it  receded  to  narrower  limits,  and  em- 
braced only  the  region  on  botii  sides  of  the  river  to 
which  reference  has  been  made. 

Haklu_yt  appears  here  to  apply  the  term  to  a 
considerable  extent  of  country,  beginning  at  Cape 
r^eton  on  the  south-west,  and  extending  along  the 
coast  in  that  direction  without  definite  limit.  And 
while  it  was  evidently  associated  in  his  mind  with 
the  more  northerly  section,  which  was  better  known 
to  navigators  of  that  period,  it  might  not  have  ex- 
cluded the  more  southerly  region,  v.'ith  which  geog- 
raphers were  then  le^s  acquainted. 

In  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  published  in  1582,  — 


^  The  name  of  "  Florida  "  seems  to  have  been  reatricted  by  Hakluyt,  itt 
its  northern  honnihiry,  to  a  region  a  little  north  of  the  territory  which  now 
bears  that  name,  and  south  of  what  was  called  "  Wingandacoa,"  or  Vir- 
ginia, after  the  return  of  Raleigh's  barks,  in  September,  i684.  See  note 
in  Appendix  to  "  p.  19  "  of  Discourse. 


INTRODUCTION. 


liii 


dedicated  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  no  doubt  written 
in  aid  of  the  Gilbert  enterprise,  which  was  favored  by 
Sidney  and  his  father-in-law,  Walsingham,  —  ho  desig- 
nates, by  its  running  title,  the  voyage  of  Verrazzano 
along  the  greater  part  of  our  east  coast,  as  •'•  The  dis- 
covcrie  of  Morumbega,"  *  as  he  also  does,  perhaps 
owing  to  the  printer's  eiTor  in  continuing  the  head- 
line, the  account  of  the  uncertain  regions  visited  by 
the  brothers  Zeni.  And  Captain  John  Smith,  as  late 
as  1620,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  "  New  Englands 
Trials,"  says,  —  "  These  fourteene  ye  res  I  haue  spared 
neither  pains  nor  money,  according  to  my  abilitio,  in 
the  discouery  of  JSforumhcfja,  where  %vith  some  thirty 
seuen  men  and  boyes,  the  remainder  of  an  hundred 
and  fine,  against  the  fury  of  the  saluages,  I  began 
that  plantation  now  in  F/r^'mirt."  It  should  be  said 
that  neither  the  maps  of  Ilakluyt's  time,  including 
that  of  Lok  published  in  the  "  Divers  Voyages,"  nor 
those  of  an  earlier  or  later  period,  give  so  wide  a  lati- 
tude to  the  name  as  this  would  seem  to  indicate. 

But  Raleigh's  voyage  and  schemes  of  colonization 
should  not  be  regarded  as  in  opposition  to  the  general 
plan  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  or  of  Gilbert's  assigns. 
They  all  had  one  purpose,  that  of  colonizing  the 
country.  After  the  return  of  the  "  Golden  Hind," 
in  September,  1583,  bringing  the  news  of  the  "  heavy 
success"  of  that  expedition,  and  of  Gilbert's  bark 
having  foundered  at  sea,  those  interested  in  his  pa- 
tent, by  having  assignments  of  land  under  it,  or  in 
esolved  to  prosecute  the  ei 


!i     <i 


tl 


lit 


It 


n 


way: 


pr( 


:'pri 


^  Tlie  "  M  "  being  without  doubt  a  typograpliical  error  for  "  N.' 


f 


liv 


INTEODUCTION. 


for  liimself,  and  perhaps  to  procure  a  separate  license 
or  patent  from  the  Queen.  Among  these  several  per- 
sons were  Sir  George  Peckham,  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
Christopher  Carlyle,  and  Walter  Raleigh.  Raleigh, 
by  his  superior  activity,  adroitness,  and  wealth,  and 
by  his  great  influence  at  court,  was  able  to  anticipate 
the  more  tardy  movements  of  his  friendly  rivals, 
some  of  whom  appear  already  to  have  concentrated 
their  interest  in  his  particular  enterprise ;  and  pro- 
cured a  new  patent,  almost  identical  in  its  terms  with 
that  of  Gilbert,  dated  25  March,  1584,  and  sent  off 
his  two  barks  before  the  expiration  of  the  latter, 
which  was  limited  to  11th  June,  of  that  year. 


This  Discourse  purports  to  have  been  written  in 
recommendation  of  an  enterprise  of  planting  the 
English  race  in  the  imsettled  parts  of  North  America 
discovered  by  Cabot  and  not  yet  occupied  by  any 
Christian  people,  of  which  possession  had  been  taken 
the  previous  year  by  Gilbert ;  and,  indeed,  in  advo- 
cacy of  what  was  even  then  known  as  the  voyage  of 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  of  Avliich  Raleigh's  separate 
enterprise  was  but  a  continuatlou.  It  commends  this 
policy  on  high  and  patriotic  grounds,  urging  the 
commercial  benefits  it  will  co)ifer  on  the  English 
people,  and  as  a  remedy  for  the  existing  political 
evils  by  which  the  State  was  threatened.  It  advo- 
cates the  first  planting  on  those  more  northerly 
regions,  near  which  possession  had  already  been 
taken,  and  to  which  the  attention  of  the  assigns  of 
Gilbert  had  been  particularly  directed.     In  a  letter 


INTRODUCTION. 


Iv 


\  license 
!riil  per- 
Siclney, 
Raleigh, 
Itli,  and 
iticipate 
'  rivals, 
nitrated 
md  pro- 
ms with 
sent  off 
i  latter, 


itten  in 

ing   the 

\nierica 

by  any 

n  taken 

n  advo- 

yage  of 

oparate 

ids  this 

iig   the 

'-iiirlish 

)(»iitical 

advo- 
rtherly 

been 
iffns  of 


letter 


from  Hakluyt  to  Walsingham,  dated  at  Paris,  7th 
January,  1584,  lie  speaks  of  commodities  brought  out 
of  the  more  northerly  parts,  "  whereunto  our  voyage 
of  inhabiting  is  intended." 

If  the  views  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  and  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  were  not  quite  as  vague  and  com- 
prehensive as  the  terms  of  their  grants,  they 
were  at  first,  perhaps,  far  less  distinct  and  definite 
than  has  been  usually  supposed.  As  to  their  desti- 
nation, there  was,  perhaps,  little  divergence  :  the 
difference  lay  rather  in  the  routes  by  which  they 
should  be  reachad.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  would 
seem  to  have  been  in  an  impartial  mood,  until  his 
last  voyage,  when,  under  the  excitement  of  a  pros- 
pect of  gold  or  silver  in  Newfoundland,  he  declared 
himself  to  have  become  decidedly  a  northern  man. 
Perhaps  the  case  was  the  same  with  Sir  Walter  Ra- 
leigh. Aftervrards,  under  the  glowing  pictures  of 
Virginia  given  by  his  returned  captains,  the  south- 
ern project  absorbed  his  attention,  and  that  of  the 
gove»'nment  and  nation.  It  was  not,  perhaps,  until 
its  complete  failure  and  final  abandonment,  that  the 
attentio:i  of  the  government  and  navigators  was 
turned  towards  realizing  the  original  projects. 

Proposing  as  it  does  a  remedy  for  existing  f  ils 
and  a  deliverance  from  threatening  dangers,  and  in- 
stinct as  it  is  with  the  interests,  the  passions,  and  the 
aspirations  of  the  hour,  this  Discourse  cannot  be 
justly  estimated  unless  viewed  in  its  relation  to  the 
period  in  which  it  was  written ;  viz.,  the  political, 


« 

5 


1! 


Ivi 


IXTRODUCTIOJf. 


religious,  and  commercial  condition  at  that  precise 
period  in  England,  —  a  condition  certainly  critical  in 
the  highest  degree,  presenting  just  ground  for  the 
anxieties  of  its  statesmen,  and  perhaps  offering  some 
apology  for  the  measures  which  they  were  driven 
to  adopt. 

As  "  principal  of  the  Princes  of  the  Reformed 
Religion,"  Queen  Elizabeth  was  the  main  object  of 
attack  by  Philip  11.,  the  chief  aim  of  whose  govern- 
ment was  the  suppression  of  heretics  throughout  the 
world.  To  compass  her  destruction  by  all  the  re- 
sources of  his  military  and  naval  power,  and  diplo- 
matic intrigue  and  private  machination  had  been 
early  avowed  as  his  intention,  and  steadily  pursued 
year  after  year  by  fair  means  and  foul.  The  other 
objects  by  which  his  attention  had  been  occupied  in 
the  European  States  were  not  so  much  regarded  in 
themselves,  as  means  to  this  great  end  of  all  his 
policy.  If  the  Netherlands  were  to  be  reduced  to 
obedience,  it  was  to  obtain  a  convenient  footing  for 
the  invasion  of  England.  If  a  hollow  and  temporary 
peace  was  to  be  patched  with  France,  it  was  to  gain 
liberty  to  pursue  his  great  purpose  of  reducing 
England  to  the  obedience  of   the  Faith. 

Sowing  dissensions  in  Scotland,  aiding  insurrec- 
tions in  Ireland  with  more  open  succors,  employ- 
ing assassins  to  attempt  the  life  of  the  Queen,  were 
the  by-play  of  this  unscrupulous  tyrant,  who  occupied 
the  throne  of  Spain  in  the  avowed  name  of  the  An- 
cient Faith.  As  if  moved  by  the  secret  hand  of  the 
Escorial,  the  march  of  events  seemed  to  be  in  the  line 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ivii 


of  the  Spanish  policy,  and  steadily  advancing  to  the 
overthrow  of  England.  The  sea-girt  island  was 
reduced  almost  to  a  state  of  siege.  In  this  eventful 
year  1584,  the  crisis  seemed  to  have  been  reached, 
and  the  death-struggle  was  at  hand.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  had  fallen  by  the  hand  of  the  assassin,  and 
the  Duke  of  Parma  was  in  the  field.  D'Anjou,  that 
worthless  prince  to  whom  the  worthy  statesmen  of 
the  Netherlands  had  been  reduced  by  their  extremity 
to  look  for  support,  had  also  died,  and  with  him  the 
last  hope  of  a  French  alliance  ;  while  the  Catholic 
League  under  the  Duke  of  Guise  had  taken  new  life, 
and  stood  ready  to  enter  England  by  the  door  of  Scot- 
land and  place  Mary  on  the  throne.  The  German 
Protestants,  having  won  peace  for  themselves  at  the 
treaty  of  Passau,  so  far  from  extending  its  immu- 
nities to  their  suffering  brethren  of  the  Netherlands, 
were  quite  disposed  to  exclude  them  from  it ;  being 
unwilling  to  mete  the  same  measure  of  toleration  to 
the  Calvinists  which  had  been  dealt  to  them  by 
the  Papists. 

To  make  the  matter  worse,  England  and  Spain  were 
nominally  at  peace  ;  and  the  former,  as  then  the 
weaker  power,  was  reluctant  to  break  even  those 
feeble  restraints  upon  the  latter  which  such  a  state  of 
things  imposed.  And,  with  the  knife  of  the  enemy 
at  her  throat,  Elizabeth  still  temporized,  and  shrunk 
from  every  step  by  which  the  real  enmity  should  lose 
its  disguise  and  become  open  war.  The  nation  was 
driven  to  allow  courses  wdiich  it  was  at  the  same  time 
compelled  to  disclaim;  and,  in  the  view  of  its  best 


III 


■tl' 


ii:  y 


II  * 


r    * 

'■8 

I'  3 

I  ! 

'1       « 

!■■* 

I'     1 
I'     li 


I.  • 


Iviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


ill! 

;|i 


mm 


Btatesmen,  this  temporizing  policy  had  brought  it  to 
the  verge  of  the  precipice.  In  the  treacherous  calm 
which  had  been  maintained,  they  could  hear  distinctly 
the  notes  of  preparation  for  the  Invincible  Armada. 

There  were  signs  that  this  policy  had  reached  its 
last  limits,  and  that  a  new  and  more  open  and  resolute 
course  must  be  adopted  to  save  the  nation  from  ruin. 
Just  at  this  time,  perhaps,  the  greatest  despondency 
prevailed  with  the  true-hearted  statesmen  of  England. 
What  was  to  be  done  to  prevent  the  monarch  of 
Spain  from  carrying  out  his  designs  against  that 
power. 

The  question  was  seriously  considered  whether  the 
policy  to  be  adopted  by  England  should  be  defensive 
or  aggressive.  That  it  should  be  aggressive,  open,  and 
avowed,  was  recommended  by  the  greater  part  of  her 
leading  statesmen ;  namely,  that  the  Queen  should 
commit  herself  to  the  Protestant  cause,  assist  the 
Huguenots  and  the  Netherlanders,  and  form  a  Protes- 
tant League.  Some  were  for  assisting  Don  Antonio, 
the  fugitive  King  of  Portugal,  and  for  carrying  the 
war  even  "  into  the  bowels  of  Spain."  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  had  sympathized  largely  in  this  offensive 
policy,  having  been  imbued  by  his  friend,  Hubert 
Languet ;  but  the  indecision  of  the  Queen  had  led 
him  to  doubt  if  any  thing  could  come  of  it.'  The 
proffered  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands  was  rejected 
by  Elizabeth.  A  joint  protectorate  with  France  was 
pronounced  impracticable.  An  avowed  intervention 
on  the  part  of  England  in  the  Netherlands  was  at 

1  Fox  Bourne's  Lifo  of  Sidney,  433  et  seq. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ux 


len<'"th  decided  upon  as  absokitely  indispensable,  not 
only  for  the  Reformed  Religion,  but  for  her  own 
safety.  This  was  according  to  the  advice  of  Raleigh, 
and  was  carried  into  effect. 

But  this  was  not  Raleigh's  peculiar  plan.  His 
scheme  was  not  to  await  attack  in  the  Netherlands 
or  in  England,  but  to  attack  Spain  in  the  seas  of  the 
West  Indies,  and  in  her  American  possessions.  It  had 
been  seen  that  her  sudden  greatness  had  grown  from 
the  wealth  drawn  from  her  mines,  and  transported  in 
her  treasure-ships  and  plate-fleets,  and  were  the  means 
by  which  all  the  trouble  was  made,  —  armies  raised, 
fleets  built  and  equipped,  dissensions  kept  alive,  the 
great  men  and  whole  states  bribed,  assassinations  hired 
and  rewarded.  Just  at  this  time,  the  Spanish  ducats 
were  moving   round  very  briskly  in  doubtful  pro- 


vmces 


1 


The  weakness  of  Spain  in  America  Iiad  been  dis- 
covered by  Hawkins  and  Drake,  and  had  produced 
great  effect  all  over  Europe.  Its  result  was  to  lead 
to  direct  attack  upon  Spanish  possessions  in  that 
part  of  the  world.  This  was  now  advocated  as  the 
best  course  for  overthrowing  Spanish  tyranny.  She 
was  there  weakest,  though  she  derived  thence  the 
sinews  of  her  strength.  Her  soldiers  had  been  with- 
drawn from  the  colonies  to  increase  the  armies  of 
Alva  and  Parma,  and  must  be  called  back  to  defend 
tliom,  and  the  attention  of  Spain  be  thereby  diverted 
from  European  projects. 

•  "  The  ducats  of  Spain,"  wrote  the  envoy  of  Catherine  de  Medici  to  his 
mistress,  "  are  trotting  about  in  such  fashion  tliat  they  have  vanquished  the 
courage  of  multitudes."    Motley's  United  Netherlands,  I.  19. 


1« 


(Mil 
i)  ill 


* 
Tt 

¥ 
* 


Ix 


INTRODUCTION". 


'■i 


g;  •'  i 


^1 

,' 

t 

This  weakness  of  the  Spanish  power  in  America 
also  furnished  a  direct  inducement  to  colonization 
by  England.  The  colonies  there  established  beyond 
the  reach  of  Spain  would  be  positions  from  which 
she  could  be  most  advantageously  attacked,  and  from 
which  her  treasure-fleets  could  be  arrested. 

Under  the  operation  of  the  statutes  of  conformity, 
disaffection  and  strife  had  already  become  serious 
and  alarming  in  England.  Her  statesmen  who  fav- 
ored the  colonizing  enterprise,  Burleigh,  Leicester, 
and  Walsingham,  were  all  inclined  to  the  Puritan 
side,  and  would  have  gladly  seen  a  hom.e  provided 
for  non-conformists  and  recusants  ;  and,  according  to 
the  view  given  of  Elizabeth  by  Froude,  she  would 
not  have  been  unwilling  to  see  them  provided  for 
abroad,  though  she  would  not  tolerate  them  at  home. 
Thus  the  original  policy  of  England's  statesmen  made 
provision  for  such  colonies  as  afterward  took  place. 

In  causing  this  Discourse  to  be  written  and  laid 
before  the  Queen,  Raleigh  had  hopes  to  lead  her  to 
assume  the  position  and  duties  of  the  chief  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Reformed  Religion,  to  influence  her 
imagination,  convince  her  judgment,  and  overcome 
her  niggardliness.  He  well  knew  that  it  was  not 
competent  for  himself  alone,  however  great  his  energy 
and  force  of  character,  or  however  large  his  resources, 
to  carry  on  this  great  national  work  and  bring  it  to 
successful  a'^complishment.  There  was  wanted  for 
this  enterprise,  as  for  all  the  other  enterprises  against 
the  Spanish  power,  what  W'as  so  hard  to  obtain,  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


hd 


hearty,  open,  and  steady  support  of  the  Queen. 
And  Kalcigh  felt  the  same  need  for  this  aggressive 
movement  against  Spain  in  America  that  Walsing- 
ham  and  his  associates  had  felt  in  respect  to  the 
Netherlands.  Elizabeth  was  fond  of  having  her  sub- 
jects serve  her  and  the  State  at  their  own  expense. 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  expressed  his  last  hope  that 
the  Queen  would,  on  his  return  to  England,  subscribe 
ten  thousand  pounds  in  aid  of  his  enterprise.  It  was 
the  settled  conviction  of  Raleigh  that  nothing  had 
been  wanting  to  secure  success  but  this  active  and 
liberal  support  of  the  government. 

These  motives,  embracing  the  ordinary  commer- 
cial views,  intensified  by  the  religious  and  political 
passions  and  interests  of  the  hour,  were  those  by 
which  Raleigh  was  led  to  resume  the  enterprise  which 
had  failed  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  and 
to  undertake  the  great  work  left  unaccomplished  for 
so  many  years. 

L.  W. 


!■  II 


.'5< 


!!; 


HAKLUYT'S   DISCOURSE. 


t  ii 


i:  »• 


I!  a 


f 


'(« 


ri' 


i;  * 


It 


ft 


T^ 


/ 


.^■n  t\  ■  oao 


/\  '. 


'■I': 


ih. 


A  particuler  discourse  concerning  the 

greate     necessitie      and     manifolde     comody- 

ties      that      are      like     to     growe     to     this 

Realme    of    Englande    by  the    Westerne 

discoueries     lately      attempted,     written 

in      the      yere      1584.    by     Richarde 

Hackluyt      of      Oxforde,      at      the 

requeste     and     direction     of    the 

riglite    worshipfuU     Mi"    Walter 

Rayhly,  novve  Knight,  before 

the   comynge    home    of  his 

twoo   barkes,    and    is    de- 

vided  into  xxi  chapiters, 

the  titles  whereof  fol- 

lowe    in    the    nexte 

leafe. 


i:  t? 


0 


1^ 


mci 
refil 
Mai 


II.  1 

who 
liooi 
j^ioii 

III.  Tl 
(litic! 
travc 

IV.  Tl 
iioml 
for  II 
realii 

V.  Tl: 
King 
liloas 
yere, 

fyssl, 


VI.  Til 
time 
kiiiijc 

IfUt 


[HEADS   OF   CHAPTERS.] 


! 

.  ,   '5 

I 

M'i>' 

.^dM 

i 

I.  «ri)at  tills  westerne  discoverie  will  be  grcately  for  thinlargo- 
mente  of  the  gospell  of  Christc,  •wliereunto  the  princes  of  the 
rcfonnned  relligion  are  chefely  bounde,  amongest  whome  her 
Majestic  ys  principall. 

II.  That  all  other  Englishe  trades  are  growen  bcggcrly  or  daun- 
goroiis,  especially  in  all  the  Kinge  of  Spayne  his  domynions, 
where  our  men  are  dryven  to  Hinge  their  bililes  and  prayer 
liookes  into  the  sea,  and  to  forsweare  and  renounce  their  relli- 
<iion  and  conscience  and  consequently  theyr  obedience  to  her 
Majestic. 

III.  That  this  westerne  voyadge  will  yelde  unto  us  all  the  como- 
(lities  of  Europe,  AtFrica,  and  Asia,  as  farr  as  wee  were  wonte  to 
travell,  and  supply  the  wantes  of  all  our  decayed  trades. 

lY.  That  this  enterprise  will  be  for  the  manifolde  iinplojnnente  of 
nonibers  of  idle  men,  and  for  bredinge  of  many  sufficient,  and 
for  utterauuce  of  the  greate  quuntitie  of  the  comodities  of  our 
realme. 


V. 


That  this  voyadge  will  be  a  greate  bridle  to  the  Indies  of  the 
Kinge  of  Spaine,  and  a  meane  that  wee  may  arreste  at  our 
pleasure  for  the  space  of  tenne  weekes  or  three  monethes  every 
yere,  one  or  twoo  hundred  saile  of  his  subjectes  shippes  at  the 
fysshinge  in  Newfounde  lande. 


M 

it 


«1 


VI.  That  the  niischefe  that  the  Indian  threasurc  wroughte  in 
time  of  Charles  the  late  Emperor,  father  to  the  Spanishe 
kinge,  is  to  be  had  in  coi'sidoratioii  of  the  Queens  nioste  excel- 
lent Majestic,  leastc  the  contynuall  coniynge  of  the  like  threas- 


[heads  of  chapters.] 


VII. 


VIII. 


IX. 


X. 


XI. 


xu. 


ure  from  thence  to  his  sonne,  worke  the  unrecoverable  annoye  of 
this  realme,  whereof  already  wee  have  had  very  dangerous 
experience. 

What  speciall  raeanes  may  bringo  Kinge  PhilHppe  from  his 
highe  throne,  and  make  him  eqnall  to  the  princes  his  neigh- 
bours, wherewithall  is  shewed  his  weakenes  in  the  West  Indies. 

That  the  lyniites  of  the  Kinge  of  Spaines  domynions  in  the 
West  Indies  be  nothinge  so  large  as  ys  generally  ymagincd  and 
surmised,  neither  those  partes  which  he  holdeth  be  of  any  suclie 
forces  as  ys  falsly  geven  oute  by  the  popi.slie  clergye  and  others 
his  fautors,  to  territie  the  princes  of  the  relligion  and  to  abuse 
and  blynde  them. 

The  names  of  the  riche  townes  lienge  alongo  the  sea  coaste 
on  the  northe  side  from  the  equinoclicall  of  the  mayue  laude 
of  AiiEKicA  under  the  kinge  of  Spayne. 

A  brofe  declaration  of  the  chefe  ilandcs  in  the  bay  of  Mexico 
beinge  under  the  Kinge  of  Spaiue,  with  their  havens  and  fortes, 
and  what  comodities  they  yelde. 

That  tlie  Spainardes  have  executed  moste  outragious  ?nd 
more  then  Turkislie  cruelties  in  all  the  AVest  Indies,  whereby 
they  are  everywhere  there  become  moste  odious  unto  them, 
whoe  woulde  joyne  with  us  or  any  other  moste  willingly  to 
shake  of  their  moste  intollerable  yoke,  and  have  begonne  to  doe 
it  already  in  dyvers  places  where  they  were  lordes  heretofore. 

That  the  passage  in  this  voyadge  is  easio  and  shorte,  that  it 
cutteth  not  nere  the  trade  of  any  other  mightie  princes,  nor 
nere  their  contries,  that  it  is  to  be  ])erfournied  at  all  tymes  of 
the  yere,  and  nedeth  but  one  kinde  of  winde,  that  Ireland 
beinge  full  of  goodd  havens  on  the  southe  and  west  sides,  is  the 
nerest  parte  of  Europe  to  yt,  which  by  this  trade  shall  be  in 
more  securitie,  and  the  sooner  drawen  to  more  civilitie. 


XIII.  That  hereby  the  revenewes  and  customcs  of  her  IMajestio, 
bothe  outwardes  aivl  inwardes,  shall  mightely  be  inlarged  by 
the  toll,  excises  and  other  dueties,  which  withoute  oppression 
may  be  raised. 


yf 


[heads  of  chapters.] 


5 


CIV,  That  this  action  will  be  greatoly  for  the  increase,  majTie- 
toynaunce  and  safciie  of  our  navye,  and  esj)eoialIy  of  greate 
sliipi>inge,  which  is  the  ^trengthe  of  our  reahne,  and  for  the 
supportation  of  all  those  occupations  that  depende  upon  the 
same. 

That  spedie  plantinge  in  divers  fitt  places  is  moste  necessarie 
upon  those  luckye  wcsternc  discoveries,  for  fe.ire  of  the  daunger 
of  being  ])revented  by  otiier  nations  whicli  have  the  like  inten- 
tions, with  the  order  thereof,  and  other  reasons  therewithall 
allcaged. 


jVI.  jMeanes  to  kepe  this  enterprise  from  overthrowe,  and  the  enter- 
prisers from  shame  and  dishonour. 

SVII.  That  by  these  colonies  the  Northwest  Passage  to  Cathaia 
and  CnixA  may  easely  quickly  and  perfectly  be  searched  oute,  as 
well  by  river  and  overlande  as  by  sea,  for  proofe  whereof  here 
arc  quoted  and  alleaged  divers  rare  testymonies  oute  of  three 
volumes  of  voyadges  gathered  by  Ramusius  and  other  grave 
authors. 

svm.  That  the  Queene  of  Englands  title  to  all  the  West  Indies, 
or  at  the  leaste  to  as  moche  as  is  from  Florida  to  tlie  circlo 
articke,  is  more  la\\'full  and  righte  then  the  Spauiardes,  or  any 
other  Christian  Princes. 

XIX.  An  aunswer  to  the  Bull  of  the  Donation  of  all  the  "West 
Indies  graunted  to  the  Kinges  of  Sjiaine  by  Pope  Alexander 
the  Vlth,  who  was  himsclfe  a  Spaniarde  borne. 

iXX.  A  brefe  collection  of  certaine  reasons  to  induce  her  Majestie 
and  the  state  to  take  in  liande  the  westerne  voyadge  and  the 
plantinge  there. 


I XXI.  A  note  of  some  thinges  to  be  prepared  for  the  voyadge, 
which  is  sett  downe  rather  to  drawe  the  takers  of  the  voyadge 
in  hande  to  the  presente  consideration  thenfor  any  other  reason, 
for  that  divi  rs  thinges  require  preparation  longe  befoi'e  the  voy- 
adge, with  ;ute  which  the  voyadge  ys  niaymed. 


n 


fr( 
de 
po 
ph 

mc 

it; 

It[ 
an 
50 
ai< 
on 
pc 
till 
wi 
wl 
in{ 
thi 


£l)at  this  Westerne  discoverie  will  be  greately  for  tliinlargemente 
of  the  gospell  of  Christe,  whereunto  the  princes  of  the 
Refourmed  Relligiou  are  chefcly  bounde,  amongeste  wUorae 
her  Majestic  ys  principall. 


Cap.  I. 


i] 


5cin(je  that  the  people  of  that  parte  of  America 
from  30.  degrees  in  Florida  northewarde  unto  63. 
degrees  (which  ys  yet  in  no  Christian  princes  actuall 
possession)  are  idolaters ;  and  that  those  which  Ste- 
phen Gomes  broughte  from  the  coaste  of  Norum- 
BEGA  in  the  yere  152J:.  worshipped  the  sonne,  the 
moone,  and  the  starres,  and  used  other  idolatrie,  as 
it  ys  recorded  in  the  historie  of  Gonsaluo  de  Ouiedo,  in 
Italian,  fol.  52,  of  the  third  volume  of  Ramusius ; 
and  that  those  of  Canada  and  Ilochelaga  in  48.  and 
50.  degrees  worshippe  a  spirite  which  they  call  Cudru- 
aigny,  as  we  reade  in  the  tcnthe  chapiter  of  the  sec- 
onde  relation  of  Jaques  Carticr,  whoe  saieth:  This 
people  bcleve  not  at  all  in  God,  but  in  one  wliorae 
they  call  Cudruaigny ;  they  say  that  often  he  spcakcth 
with  them,  and  telleth  them  what  weather  shall  followe, 
whether  goodd  or  badd.  Sec,  and  yet  notwithstand- 
inge  they  are  very  easie  to  be  pcrswadcd,  and  doe  all 
that  they  sawe  the  Christians  doe  in  their  devine  ser- 


I  is 

i>  I. 


M 

i 

t 


8 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


vice,  with  like  imitation  and  devotion,  and  were  vciy 
desirous  to  become  Christians,  and  wouldc  fiiine  have 
been  baptized,  as  Verarsanus  witnesseth  in  the  laste 
wordes  of  his  relation,  and  Jaques  Cart'^^r  in  the 
tenthe  chapiter  before  recited  —  it  remayneth  to  be 
thoroughly  weyed  and  considered  by  what  meanes  and 
by  whome  this  moste  godly  and  Christian  work  may 
be  perfourmed  of  inlarginge  the  glorious  gospell  of 
Christe,  and  reducinge  of  infinite  multitudes  of  these 
simple  people  that  are  in  errour  into  the  righte  and 
perfecte  way  of  their  saluation.  The  blessed  Apostle 
Paule,  the  converter  of  the  Gentiles,  Rom :  10.  writeth 
in  this  manner :  Whoesoever  shall  call  on  the  name  of 
the  Lorde  shall  be  saved.  But  howe  shall  they  call 
on  him  in  whom  they  have  not  bcleved  ?  and  howe 
shall  they  beleve  in  him  of  whom  they  have  not 
hearde  ]  and  howe  shall  they  heare  withoute  a 
preacher]  and  howe  shall  they  preache  excepte  they 
be  sente  ?  Then  it  is  necessary  for  the  salvation  of 
those  poore  people  which  have  sitten  so  longe  in 
darkenes  and  in  the  shadowe  of  deathe,  that  preachers 
should  be  sent  unto  them.  But  by  whome  shoulde 
these  preachers  be  sente "?  By  them  no  doubte  which 
have  taken  upon  them  the  protection  and  defence  of 
the  Christian  faithe.  Nowe  the  Kinges  and  Queenes 
ihc  Prvnccs  of  England  have  the  name  of  Defendours  of  the  Faithe. 
By  which  title  I  thinke  they  are  not  onely  chardged 
to  mayneteyne  and  patronize  the  faithe  of  Christe,  but 
also  to  inlarge  and  advaunce  the  same.  Neither 
oughte  this  to  be  their  laste  worke,  but  rather  the 
principall  and  chefe  of  all  others,  accordinge  to  the 


callcil  the 
(It't'eiuk'rs  of 
the  faithe. 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


9 


comaimdemcntc  of  our  Saviour,  Christc,  Mathcwe  6, 
Ffirstc  scekc  the  kingdomc  of  God  and  the  rightcous- 
nes  thereof,  and  all  other  thinges  shalbe  mynistrcd 
unto  you. 

Nowe  the  mcanes  to  sonde  suche  as  shall  labour 
effectually  in  this  busines  ys,  by  i)lantinge  one  or  twoo  rinnJinKe 

,       .  f  •  '  1  /•  IVrste  iieces- 

colonies  ot  our  nation  upon  tliat  tyrine,  where  they  sane. 

may  remaine  in  safctic,  and  firste  learne  the  language 

of  the  people  nere  adjoyninge  (the  gifte  of  tongues 

bcinge  nowe  taken   awaye),   and  by  little  and  little 

acquainte  themselves  with  their  manner,  and  so  with 

discretion    and    myldenes   distill   into    their    purged 

myndes  the    swctc  and  lively  liquor  of  the   gospel. 

Otherwise,  for  preachers  to  come  unto  them  rashly 

with  oute  some  suche  preparation  for  their  safetic, 

yt  were   nothinge   els    but   to  ronne   to  their  appa- 

raunte    and    certaine    destruction,    as    yt   happened 

unto  those  Spanishe  ffryers,  that,  before  any  plant- 

inge,  withoute  strcngthc  and  company,  landed  in  Fflor- 

ida,  where   they  were  miserablye  massacred  by  the 

savages.     On  the  other  side,  by  meane  of  plantinge 

firste,  the  small  nation  of  the  Portingales  towardcs  the 

Southe  and  Easte  have  planted  the  Christian  faithe 

accordinge  to  their  manner,  and  have  erected  many 

bisshoprickes  and  colledges  to  traine  iipp  the  youthe 

of  the  infiidells  in  the  same,  of  which  acte  they  more 

vaunte  in  all  their  histories  and  chronicles,  then  of 

anythinge  els  that  ever  they  atchieved.     And  surely 

if  they  had  planted  the  gospell  of  Christe  purely,  as 

they  did  not,  they  mighte  justly  have  more  rejoyced 

in  that  deede  of  theires,  then  in  the   conqueste  of 

2 


i; 
II 

II 
I' 


\ 


5  „ 


i;  >• 


1*  ' 


II 


10 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


f!i 


I  ^''  > 


i»i 


m^ 


the  whole  contrie,  or  in  any  other  thinge  whatsoever. 
The  hkc  may  be  saied  of  the  Spaniardcs,  wlioe  (as  yt 
is  in  the  preface  of  the  last  edition  of  Osorius  de  rebus 
gestis  Emanuelis)  have  established  in  the  West  Indies 
three  archebisshopricks,  to  witt,  Mexico,  Luna,  and 
Onsco,  and  thirtene  other  bisshopricks  there  named, 
and  have  builte  above  CC.  houses  of  relligion  in 
the  space  of  fyftie  yeres  or  thereaboutcs.  Now  yf 
they,  in  their  superstition,  by  meanes  of  their  jdant- 
inge  in  those  partes,  havo  don  so  grcatc  thinges  in  so 
shorte  space,  what  may  wee  hope  for  in  our  true  and 
synccre  relligion,  proposiugc  unto  ourselves  in  this 
action  not  filthie  lucre  nor  vaine  ostentation,  as  they 
in  dcede  did,  but  principally  the  gayninge  of  the 
soules  of  millions  of  those  wretched  people,  the  re- 
ducinge  of  them  from  darkcncs  to  liglite,  from  falsc- 
hoodde  to  truthe,  from  dombe  idolls  to  the  lyvinge 
God,  from  the  depe  pitt  of  hell  to  the  highest  heav- 
ens. In  the  16.  of  the  Actes  of  the  Apostles,  when 
Paule  soughte  to  preache  in  Asia  and  to  goe  into 
Bithinia,  the  Holy  Ghoste  suffered  him  not.  But  at 
Troas  a  vision  appered  unto  him  by  night.  There 
stoode  a  man  of  Macedonia  and  prayed  hym,  sayenge  : 
Come  into  Macedonia  and  helpe  us.  And  after  he 
had  scene  the  vysion,  ymmediatly  he  prepared  to  goe 
into  Macedonia,  beinge  assured  that  the  Lorde  had 
called  him  to  preache  the  gospell  unto  them.  Even 
so  wee,  whiles  wee  have  soughte  to  goe  into  other 
countries  (I  woulde  I  might  say  to  preache  the  gos- 
pell), God  by  the  frustratinge  of  our  actions  semcth  to 
forbydd  us  to  folio  we  those  courses,  and  the  people  of 


"WESTERNE    rLANTIXG. 


11 


Amerka  cryc  outc  unto  us,  their  ncxtc  ncighboiiros, 
to  come  and  hclpe  them,  and  brinj^e  unto  them  the 
gliidd  tidinges  of  the  gospell.  Unto  the  prince  and 
people  that  shalhe  the  occasion  of  this  worthic  worko, 
and  shall  open  their  cofers  to  the  furthoraunce  of  this 
most  godly  enterprise,  God  shall  open  the  bottomles 
treasures  of  his  riches,  and  fill  them  with  aboundaunce 
of  his  hidden  blessinges ;  as  he  did  to  the  goodd 
Que  "^  Isabella,  which  beinge  in  extreme  necessitie, 
lie.,  r^.  cwne  Jewells  to  gage  for  money  to  furnishe 
out  ^olumbus  for  the  firste  discovery  of  the  West 
Indies. 

And  this  enterprise  the  princes  of  the  relligion 
(amonge  whome  her  Majestic  ys  principall)  oughte 
the  rather  to  take  in  hande,  because  the  papistes  con- 
firine  themselves  and  drawe  other  to  thcire  side,  shew- 
ingc  that  they  are  the  true  Catholicke  churche  because 
they  have  bene  the  onely  converters  of  many  millions 
of  infidells  to  Christianitie.  Yea,  I  myselfc  have 
bene  dcmaunded  of  them,  how  many  infidells  have  Amiost 

of  tuti  ai 

been  by  us  converted  ?  Whereunto,  albeit  I  alleaged  w'O 
the  example  of  the  mynisters  which  were  sentc  from 
Geneva  with  Villegagnon  into  Bresill,  and  those  that 
wente  with  John  Ribault  into  Florida,  as  also  those 
of  our  nation  that  went  with  Ffrobisher,  Sir  Fraunces 
Drake,  and  Ffenton  ;  yet  in  very  decde  I  was  not  able 
to  name  any  one  infidell  by  them  converted.  But 
God,  quoth  I,  hath  his  tyme  for  all  men,  whoe  calleth 
some  at  the  nynthe,  and  some  at  the  eleventh  houer. 
And  if  it  please  him  to  move  the  harte  of  her  Majes- 
tic to  put  her  hclpinge  hande  to  this  godly  action,  she 


inn 
ttdver- 


y:i< 


11 
I' 


i  II 
II 


I 

I' 

i> 
>i 
r 
I' 
I 


J! 


if 

5 


12 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


1 


bIkiII  fmdo  as  willingc  snbjcctcs  of  all  sortcs  as  any 
other  prince  in  all  Chiist(>n(loinc\  And  as  for  the 
boustiugc  of  your  conversion  of  such  multitudes  of 
iiitidells,  yt  may  justly  be  comi)ted  rather  a  perver- 
sion, seeingc  you  have  drawen  them  as  it  were  oute 
of  Sylla  into  Charibdis,  that  is  to  say,  from  one  error 
into  another.  Nowe  therefore  I  truste  the  time  ys  at 
hande  when  by  her  Majesties  forwardnes  in  tiiis  en- 
terprise, not  only  this  objection  and  suchc  like  shalbe 
aunswered  by  our  frutefuU  labor  in  (iodds  harvest 
amonge  the  infidells,  but  also  many  inconveniences 
and  strifes  amongcst  ourselves  at  home,  in  matters  of 
ceremonies,  shalbe  ended.  For  those  of  the  clergyc 
which  by  reason  of  idlenes  here  at  home  are  nowe 
alwayes  coyninge  of  ncwe  opynions,  havinge  by  this 
voyadge  to  set  themselves  on  worke  in  rcducingc  the 
savages  to  the  chefc  principles  of  our  faith,  will 
become  lesse  contentious,  and  be  contented  with  the 
truthe  in  rclligion  alrcadie  established  by  authoritie. 
So  they  that  shall  bcare  the  name  of  Christians 
shall  shewe  themselves  worthye  of  their  vocation, 
so  shall  the  mouthe  of  the  adversaric  be  stopped,  so 
shall  contention  amongcst  brethren  be  avoyded,  so 
shal  tlie  gospell  amonge  infidells  be  published. 


"WESTERN  E   PL  ANTING. 


13 


i 


UljiU  all  other  Englishe  trades  nrc  growen  boggcrly  or  daiingcrons,  cap.  II. 
especially  dnungcrous  in  all  the  Kinge  of  S|myiio  his  do- 
mynioiis,  where  our  men  are  dryvea  to  Hinge  their  bililea 
and  i)rayer  bookes  into  the  sea,  and  to  forsweare  and 
renounce  their  reliigiou  and  conscience,  and  consequently 
their  obedience  to  her  IMajesty. 


si.: 


Witt  arc  nowe  to  consider  the  quiilitic  and  condi- 
tion of  all  the  trades  which  at  this  day  are  frequented 
by  onr  nation.  And  firste,  to  begynne  southwardc, 
and  so  come  to  the  nortlie;  leavinge  IJrcsill  and  Gny- 
nea  where  wee  have  httle  to  doe,  let  us  firsie  speake  Buriaiy. 
of  our  trade  in  Barbaric.  If  any  of  c  r  shij)pcs 
tradinge  thither  be  dryven  upon  the  coaste  of  S[)aine, 
and  that  proofe  may  be  made  that  wee  have  bene 
there,  they  make  it  a  very  sufficient  cause  of  confisca- 
tion of  ship])e  and  goodds,  and  so  they  thruste  our 
men  into  the  Inquisition,  chardginge  them  that  they 
bringe  armour,  munition,  and  forbidden  merchandize 
to  strengthen  the  infidells  againste  these  partes  of 
Christendome  ;  which  thingc  is  comitted  to  printe  and 
confessed  by  all  our  marchants  tradinge  thither.  And 
thoughe  our  men  escape  the  Spaniardes  tyrannic,  yet 
at  the  dcathc  of  the  prince  in  Barbary,  all  our  mennes 
goodds  there  are  subjecte  to  the  spoile,  the  custome 
of  the  contrie  permitting  the  people  to  robbe  and 
rifle  until  another  kinge  be  chosen,  withoute  raakinge 


ii 
II . 
i> 


r 
(' 


M 


JM 

tl 
It 


r 

! 

i 

1 

rw 

14 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


The  Domvn- 

ions  of  i.''! 
Kinni!  of 
Spa^ne. 


Tho  trade  of 
Turky. 


any  kinde  of  restitution.  Besides  that  inconvenience, 
the  trr-fficque  groweth  daily  to  worse  termes  then 
heretotore.  I  omytt  to  showe  here  howe  divers  have 
bene  undon  by  their  servauntes  which  have  become 
renegadoes,  of  whome  by  the  custome  of  the  contrie 
their  masters  cun  have  no  manner  of  recoverv,  neither 
call  them  into  justice. 

In  all  the  Kingc  of  Spain  es  dumynions  our  men  are 
either  inforced  with  wounded  consciences  to  playe  the 
disscmblingc  hipocrites,  or  be  drawen  to  mislJKe  with 
the  state  of  relligion  mainteyned  at  home,  or  cruelly 
made  away  in  the  Inquisition.  Moreover,  he  being 
our  mortall  eneniye,  and  his  empire  of  late  beinge 
increased  so  aiightely,  and  our  nccessitie  of  oiles  and 
of  coulours  for  our  clothingc  trade  beinge  so  greate, 
he  may  arreste  almoste  the  one  halfe  of  our  navye, 
our  traficque  and  rocourae  beinge  so  greate  to  his 
domynions. 

For  the  new  trade  in  Turky,  besides  the  greate 
expences  in  mayneteyninge  a  kind  of  embas- 
sador at  Constantinople,  and  in  sendinge  of  pre- 
sentcs  to  Selym  the  Graunde  Scgnior,  and  to  divers 
of  his  insatiable  bassoes,  our  marchantes  are  faine 
with  large  rewardes  to  gratifie  the  Knightes  of  Malta, 
in  whose  daunger  their  shippes  must  often  passe. 
Moreover  that  trade  is  so  moche  to  the  dctrymente  of 
the  State  of  Venice,  and  all  the  other  States  of  Italic, 
that  they  are  dayly  occupied  in  seekinge  howe  they 
may  certhrowe  the  same.  Neither  is  it  the  leaste 
incomoditie  that  our  shippes  are  contynually  assaulted 
by  the  corsaries  and  pirates  and  gallies  of  Algiers,  by 


WESTERN  E    PLANTING. 


15 


which  they  had  a  rich  shippe,  called  the  Mary  Martin, 
sonckc  this  yere ;  and  the  last  yere  another  was  taken 
at  Trypoly  in  Barbary,  and  the  master  with  another 
hanged,  and  the  reste  made  slaves.  Besides,  the 
barke  Reynoldes  war,  arrested  at  Malta,  and  at 
lengthe  with  moche  adoe  delivered. 

To  leave  the  Levant  and  to  come  to  France,  the  France, 
traficqne  there  of  myne  owne  knowledge  is  growen  to 
such  decaye,  partely  by  the  impositions  and  taxes 
which  are  daily  devised  by  the  kinge,  partely  by  their 
subtil  sleights  and  devices  to  confiscate  our  clothes  for 
insufficient  v/orkemanshippe,  and  partely  by  their  owne 
labour  in  makinge  more  and  better  clothe  then  hereto- 
fore they  were  accustomed,  that  our  men  for  the  moste 
parte  are  wearye  of  the  contrie,  and  some  of  them 
utterly  undoii  by  their  subtill  and  imconcionablc 
wranglinge.  As  for  all  Flaimders  and  the  liOwe  Fiaundera 
Contries,  these  cighteno  ycres  moste  cruell  civill 
warres  have  so  spoiled  the  traticque  there,  that 
there  is  nothinge  but  povertie  and  perill,  and  that 
which  is  worse,  there  is  no  hope  of  any  spedy 
amendeniente. 

To  come  to  the  Esterlinges  and  the  trades  with  the  Estiande. 
cities  \vitliin  the  Sounde  of  Denmarke,  they  bcinge 
deprived  of  the  olde  priviledgcs  of  the  Stilliarde  here 
in  Londcin,  have  not  only  ofFred  our  men  at  home 
many  injuries  in  their  cities,  but  seeke  all  the  meanes 
thoy  can  devise  wholy  to  cutt  of  all  our  occupienge 
that  way ;  and  to  the  same  purpose  have  lately 
cloane  debarred  our  men  of  their  accustomed  and 
auncient  priviledges  in  all  their  greate  townes.     Also 


!f| 


ilt 


4    :     ''. 


!'  ^iilii 


I 


16 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Denmarke.  the  Gxactions  of  the  Kinge  of  Denmarke  at  our 
passage  in  and  oute  by  the  Sounde  to  Lubccke, 
Danske,  Elvingo,  Rye,  llcvell,  and  the  Narve,  besides 
the  power  that  he  hath  to  arreste  all  our  shippes 
within  the  Sounde  at  his  pleasure,  are  twoo  no  small 
inconveniences  and  myschcfes. 

Russye.  Our  trade  into  Muscovye  ys  the  laste,  which  was 

so  cluirdgcable  in  the  begynnynge,  what  with  the 
coste  of  the  discoverie,  what  with  presentes  to  the 
Empcrour,  together  with  the  disorderly  dealinge  of 
their  factors,  that  it  stoode  them  in  fourscore  thousande 
poundcs  before  they  broughte  it  to  any  goodd  passe. 
And  nowe  after  longe  hope  of  gayne,  the  Hollanders, 
as  also  the  men  of  Diepe,  are  entred  into  their  trade 
by  the  Empcrours  permissiori ;  yea,  whereas  at  the 
firste  our  men  paid  no  custonie,  of  late  yeres,  contrarie 
to  their  firste  priviledge,  they  have  bene  urged  to  pay 
yt.  Also  the  chardges  of  bringinge  the  Empcrours 
embassador  hither,  and  mayneteyninge  him  here,  and 
the  settinge  furthe  of  her  Majesties  embassadour 
thither  with  presentes  to  the  Empcrour,  lycnge  all 
upon  the  poore  marchantes  neckes,  is  no  easie  burden 
unto  their  shoulders.  And  to  encrease  the  same,  the 
Kinge  of  Denmarke  requireth  a  tribute  of  them, 
thoughe  they  touc''j  not  upon  any  of  his  domynions. 
And  nowe  the  Emperour  of  Russia  beingo  late  deade, 
yt  is  greately  feared  that  the  voyadge  wilbe  utterly 
overthrowea,  or  els  become  not  worthe  the  contynu- 
aunce. 

Thus  havinge   regarde  imto  the  premisses,  yt  be- 
hovcth  us  to  seeke  some  newe  and  better  trade,  of 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


17 


lesse  daunger  and  more  securitie,  of  lesse  damage, 
and  of  more  advamitage  ;  the  rather  to  avide  the  wil- 
full  peijurie  of  suche  of  our  EngUshe  nation  as  trade 
to  Spaine  and  other  of  Kinge  Phillipps  domynions, 
where  this  oathe  followinge  ys  usually  ministrcd 
unto  the  master  of  our  shippes.  Firste,  he  willeth 
the  master  to  make  a  crosse  with  his  fore  finger  and  his 
thorabe,  layenge  one  over  the  other  crosswise.  This 
beinge  don,  he  saieth  these  wordes  followinge  :  You 
shall  sweare  to  speake  the  truthe  of  all  thinges  that 
shalbe  asked  of  you,  and  yf  you  doe  not,  that  God 
demaundc  yt  of  you ;  and  the  Englishe  master  muste 
saye,  Amen.  You  shall  sweare  by  that  crosse  that 
you  bringe  no  man  in  your  shippe  but  suche  as  are 
goodd  christians,  and  doe  beleve  as  our  Catholicke 
Churche  of  Home  dotlie  boleve.  Nexte,  that  you 
bringe  no  manner  of  bookes  but  suche  as  are  allowed 
by  our  Catholicke  Churche  of  Home ;  and  that  you 
use  no  manner  of  prayers  but  suche  as  are  allowed 
by  our  Churche  of  Home.  What  marchandize  bringe 
you  ;  suche  and  suche.  We  will  and  comaundc  you 
and  your  companie  to  come  on  land  to  masse  every 
Sonday  and  holy  day,  upon  paine  of  discommunication. 
Then  they  open  their  chestes,  and  looke  if  the  master 
and  maryners  bringe  any  bookes  with  them  in  their 
chests.  This  don,  the  officers  that  come  with  the 
prcestcs  aske  of  the  master  and  maryners  chese, 
butter,  befe,  bacon,  and  candles,  as  beggars,  and  they 
give  it  to  them  for  feare  they  have  of  them,  and  so 
they  goe  from  the  shippes  with  their  walletts  full  of 
victualls.     The  master  dotli  pay  foiu*  ryalls  of  plate  for 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNmO 


the  barke  that  bringeth  them  aboorde  to  visite  them. 
Thus  is  wilfull  perjurye  permitted  by  the  governours  if 
they  knowe  it.  Thus  the  covetous  march  ante  wil- 
fully sendeth  headlonge  to  hell  from  day  to  day  the 
poore  subjectes  of  this  realme.  The  marchant  in 
England  crmethhere  devoutly  to  the  communyon,  and 
sendeth  his  sonne  into  Spaine  to  here  masse.  These 
thinges  are  kepte  secrete  by  the  marchantes,  and  suche 
as  depende  upon  the  trade  of  marchandize  are  lothe 
to  utter  the  same. 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


19 


Mm 


(Cljflt  tliif-  westerne  voyadgo  will  yelde  unto  us  all  the  commodities 
of  Europe,  AfFrica  and  Asia,  as  far  as  wee  were  woate  to 
travell,  and  supplye  the  wantes  of  all  our  decayed  trades. 

'E^t  VLtXtt  thinge  ys  that  nowe  I  declare  unto  you 
the  comodities  of  this  newe  westerne  discoveric,  and 
what  marchandize  are  there  to  he  had,  and  from 
thence  to  be  expected ;  wherein  firste  you  are  to  have 
regarde  unto  the  scituation  of  the  places  which  are 
left  for  us  to  be  possessed.  The  contries  therefore  of 
America  where  unto  we  have  just  title,  as  bcinge 
firste  discovered  by  Sebastian  Gabote,  at  the  coste  of 
that  prudente  prince  Kinge  Henry  the  Seaventh,  from 
Florida  ncrthewarde  to  67.  degrees,  (and  not  yet  in 
any  Chrestian  princes  actuall  possession,)  beinge 
aimswerable  in  clymate  to  Barbary,  Egipte,  Siria, 
Persia,  Turky,  Greece,  all  the  islandes  of  the  Levant 
sea,  Italic,  Spaine,  Portingale,  Fraunce,  Flaunders, 
Highe  Almayne,  Denmarke,  Estland,  Poland,  and 
Muscovye,  may  presently  or  within  a  shorte  space 
afforde  unto  us,  for  little  or  nothinge,  and  with  moche 
more  safetie,  eyther  all  or  a  greate  parte  of  the  coni- 
odities  which  the  aforesaid  contries  do  yelde  us  at  a 
very  dere  hande  and  with  manifolde  daungers. 

Firste,  therefore,  to  begyn  at  the  southe  from  30. 
degrees,  and  to  quote  unto  you  the  leafe  and  page  of 
the  printed  voyadgcj  of  those  which  personally  have 


Cap.  III. 


In  the  first 
volume  of 
Rmiuisius, 
fol.y74, 
pag.  2. 


i; 
II 
II 
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71 


20 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Ilony, 

Venison, 

Palme  trees, 
Ce.kTs, 
Cii'resses, 
Vynes. 


with  diligence  searched  and  viewed  these  contrics. 
JohnRibauit.  Johu  Ribault  writcth  thus,  in  the  firste  leafe  of  his 
discourse,  extant  in  printe  bothe  in  Frcnche  and 
Enghshe :  Wee  entred  (saieth  he)  and  viewed  the 
contrie  which  is  the  fairest,  frutefullest,  and  pleas- 
auntest  of  all  the  worlde,  aboundinge  in  honye,  waxe, 
venison,  wilde  fowle,  flforrcstcs,  woodds  of  all  sortcs, 
palme  trees,  cipresses,  cedars,  bayes,  the  highest  and 
greatest,  with  also  the  fairest  vines  in  all  the  worlde, 
Avith  grapes  accordinge,  which  naturally  withoute  arte 
or  mans  helpe  or  trymmynge  will  growe  to  toppes  of 
oakes  and  other  trees  that  be  of  wondcrfull  greatness 
and  hcighte.  And  the  sighte  of  the  faire  meadowes 
is  a  pleasure  not  able  to  be  expressed  with  tongue, 
full  of  herons,  curlucs,  bitters,  mallardes,  egriphts, 
woodcockes,  and  all  other  kinde  of  small  birdes,  with 
hartes,  hinds,  bucks,  wilde  swyne,  and  all  other  kj-nd 
of  wilde  beastes,  as  wee  perceaved  well  bothe  by  their 
footinge  there,  and  also  aftcrwardes  in  other  places 
by  their  crye  and  roaringe  in  the  nightc.  Also  there 
be  conies  and  hares,  silkewormes  in  marvelous  nom- 
ber,  a  great  deale  fairer  and  better  then  be  our  silke- 
wormes. Againe,  in  the  sixte  leafe  and  scconde  page ; 
They  shewed  unto  us  by  signes  that  they  had  in  the 
lande  golde  and  silver  and  copper,  whereof  wee  have 
broughte  some  home.  Also  leade  like  unto  ours, 
which  wee  shewed  them.  Also  turqueses  and  greatc 
aboundaunce  of  perles,  which  as  they  declared  unto 
us  they  tooke  oute  of  oysters,  whereof  there  is  taken 
ever  aloi.ge  the  rivers  side  and  amongest  the  reedcs 
and  in  the  marishes,  in  so  marvelous  aboundaunce  as  it 


Herons, 
Curliies, 

liitturs, 

Mallardes, 

Egriphtea. 


Sylke 
worines 
exfeilinse 
faire,  t'ol.  6, 
pag.  2. 


Gol.le,  Silver, 
Copper. 


Tiirquo?:es, 
Perles  in 
aboundaunce. 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


21 


have 


is  scante  credible.     And  wee  have  perceaved  that  there 

be  as  many  and  as  grcate  perles  founde  there  as  in 

any  contrie  in  the  worlde.     In  the  seaventh  leafe  it 

followeth  thus:    The  scituation  is  under  30.  degrees,  aodcgrcea. 

a  good  clymate,  healthfull,  and  of  goodd  temperature, 

marvelous   pleasaunte,  the  people  goodd  and   of   a 

gentle  and  amyable  nature,  which  willingly  will  obey,  Thpgenticncs 

1  1      11        ■  1  1*       of  the  people. 

yea  be  contented  to  serve  those  that  shall  with  gentle- 
nes  and  humanitie  goe  aboute  to  allure  them,  as  yt  is 
necessarie  for  those  that  be  sente  thither  hereafter  so 
to  doe.  In  the  eighth  leafe :  It  is  a  place  wondorfull 
fertile  and  of  stronge  scituation,  the  grounde  fatt,  so 
that  it  is  like  that  it  would  bringe  forthe  wheate  and  Han-esttwise 

.  yn  tliu  yere. 

all  other  corne  twise  a  yere.     In  the  nnitli  leafe  yt 
followeth :   Wee    founde  there  a  greate    nomber   of 
pepper  trees,  the  pepper  beinge  yet  greene  and  not  Topper 
ready  to  be  gathered.    In  the  tenth  leafe  :  There  wee  y '«  'o"b'e 

•'  "^  jjopper. 

sawe  the  fairest  and  the  greatest  vines  with  grapes 
accordinge,  and  younge  trees  and  small  wooddes 
very  well  smellinge,  that  ever  weare  sene.  Thus 
have  you  brefely  the  some  of  the  comodities  which 
were  founde  by  John  Ribault  and  his  companye  on 
the  coaste  of  America  from  30.  to  34. degrees. 

INIoreover,  Doctor  Monardus,  that  excellent  phisi- 
tion  of  Civill,  wri tinge  of  the  trees  of  the  West  Indies 
in  his  booke  called  Joyfull  Newes  out  of  the  New 
founde  worlde,  maketh  mention  of  a  tree  called 
Sassafras,  which  the  Frenchmen  founde  in  Florida,  Sassafras. 
fol.  46  of  his  booke,  in  manner  followinge  :  From 
the  Florida  they  bringe  a  woodde  and  roote  of  a  tree 
that  groweth  in  those  partes,  of  greate  vertues  and 


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22 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


excellencies,  healinge  therewith  grevous  and  variable 
deseases.  It  may  be  three  yeres  paste  that  I  had 
knowledge  of  this  tree,  and  a  Frenche  man  that  had 
bene  in  those  partes  shewed  me  a  pece  of  yt,  and 
tolde  me  marvells  of  the  vertues  thereof,  and  howe 
many  and*  variable  diseases  were  healed  with  the 
water  which  was  made  of  it,  and  I  judged  that,  which 
nowe  I  doe  finde  to  be  true  and  have  scene  by 
experience.  He  tolde  me  that  the  Frenchemen 
which  had  bene  in  the  Florida,  at  the  time  when  they 
came  into  those  partes  had  bene  sicke  the  moste  of 
them  of  grevous  and  variable  diseases,  and  that  the 
Indians  did  shewe  them  this  tree,  and  the  manner 
howe  they  shoulde  use  yt.  Sec ;  so  they  did,  and  were 
healed  of  many  evills  ;  which  surely  bringeth  admira- 
tion tliat  one  onely  remedy  shoulde  worke  so  variable 
and  marvelous  eifectes.  The  name  of  this  tree,  as  the 
Indyans  terme  yt,  is  called  Pauame,  and  the  Frenche- 
men call  it  Sassafras.  To  be  brefe,  the  Doctor 
Monardus  bestoweth  eleven  leaves  in  describinge  the 
sovercinties  and  excellent  properties  thereof. 

The  nature  and  comodities  of  the  reste  of  the  coaste 
unto  Cape  Briton  I  will  shewe  unto  you  oute  of  the 
printed  testymonies  of  John  Verarsanus  and  Stephen 
Gomes,  bothe  which  in  one  yere,  1524.  discovered 
the  said  contries,  and  broughte  home  of  the  people ; 
Verarsana  into  Ffraunce,  and  Gomes  into  Spaine. 

Verarsana,  fallinge  in  the  latitude  of  34.  degrees, 
describeth  the  scituation  and  commodities  in  this 
manner:  Beyonde  this  wee  sawe  the  open  contrie 
risinge  in  heighte  above  the  sandie  skoare,  with  many 


•WESTEHNE    PLANTING. 


23 


faire  feeldcs  and  plaincs  full  of  mightie  grcatc  wooddcs, 
some  very  thicke  and  some  very  thynne,  replenished 
with  divers  sortes  of  trees,  and  pleasaunte  and  delect- 
able to  beholdc  as  ys  possible  to  yraagine.  And  your 
Majestie  may  not  thinke  that  these  are  like  the 
wooddes  of  Hyrcinia,  or  the  wilde  desertes  of  Tar- 
taria,  and  the  northerne  coastes,  full  of  fruteles  trees ; 
but  full  of  palrae,  date  trees,  bayes,  and  highe  cy- 
presses, and  many  other  sortes  of  trees  to  us  unknowen 
iu  Europe,  which  yelde  mostc  swete  savours  farr  from 
the  shoare ;  neyther  doe  wee  thincke  that  they,  par- 
takinge  of  the  easte  worlde  rounde  aboute  them,  are 
altogether  voyde  of  drugs  and  spicerye,  and    other  Dmpgs, 

Snvccrv 

riches  of  golde,  seinge  the  colour  of  the  lande  dotlic  ci^'U';- 

altogether  argue  yt.     And  the  lande  is  full  of  many 

bcastes,  as  redd  dere,  fallowe  dere,  and  hares,  and 

Ukcwise  of  lakes  and  pooles  of  freshe  water,  with 

greate  plentie  of  fowles  convenient  for  all  pleasaunte 

game.     This  lande  is  in  latitude  of  34:.degrees  with  34  degrees. 

goodd  and  holesomc  ayre,  temperate,  betwenc  bote 

and  colde ;  no  vehement  windes  doe  blowe  in  these  re 

gions,  &c.    Againe,  in  the  fourth  leafe  as  it  is  in  Eng- 

lishe,  speakinge  of  the  nexte  contrie,  he  saieth :  Wee 

sawe  in  this  contrie  many  vines  growinge  naturally,  vynes  excei- 

which  springinge  upp  tooke  liolde  of  the  trees  as  they 

doc  in  Lumbardye,  which,  if   by  husbandmen  they 

were  dressed  in  goodd  order,  witlioute  all  doubte  they 

woulde   yelde   excellent  wynes ;   for  havinge    often- 

tymes  scene  the  frute  thereof  dryed,  which  was  swete 

and  pleasaunte  and  not  differinge  from  oures,  wee 

tliinke  they  doe  esteme  of  the  same,  because  that  in 


lent. 


• 


I  .1 


s 


ll 


<• 


Violt'tts, 
l.vllk's, 


Corn, 

Wviie, 

Oyle. 


These  apples 
>.Ti'we  ill 
Iinly,  niul 
are  yullowe 
like' a  pipon. 


41  depjees 
and  2  terces. 


Copper. 


Stephen 
Gomez. 


24 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


every  place  where  they  growe,  they  take  away  the  un- 
der hraunches  growinge  roundc  ahoute,  tliat  the  frute 
thereof  may  ripen  the  better.  AVce  fonndc  also  roses, 
violetts,  lyllics,  and  many  sortes  of  herhcs  and  swete 
and  odoriferous  flowers.  And  after,  in  the  sixte  leafo, 
he  saicth :  Wee  were  oftentimes  within  the  lande 
v.or  vj. leagues,  which  wee  foundc  as  pleasaunte  as  is 
possible  to  declare,  a[)te  for  any  kinde  of  husbandrye 
of  cornc,  wine,  and  oilc.  For  therein  there  arc 
plaines  25.  or  30.  leagues  broadc,  open  and  withoute 
any  impedymcnte  of  trees,  of  suche  frutefulnes  that 
any  secde  beinge  sowen  therein  will  bringc  furthe 
moste  excellcnte  frute.  Wee  entred  after wardcs  into 
the  wooddes,  which  wee  foundc  so  greate  and  thicke, 
that  an  armye  (were  it  never  so  greate}  mightc  have 
h\dd  it  sclfe  therein,  the  trees  whereof  w?re  oakes,  cy- 
presses, and  other  sortes  unknowen  in  Europe.  Wee 
foundc  pomi  appij,  ploiues,  and  nuttcs,  and  many  other 
sortes  of  frutes  to  us  unknowen.  There  are  beastcs 
in  greate  aboundaunce,  as  redd  dere  and  fallowc 
dere,  leopardes  and  other  kindes,  which  they  take 
with  their  bowes  and  arrowcs,  which  are  their  chefeste 
weapons.  This  lande  is  scituate  in  the  parallcle  of 
Kome  in  41.  degrees  and  2.  terces.  And  towardes  the 
ende  he  saicth :  Wee  sawe  many  of  the  people  weare 
caringes  of  copper  hanginge  at  their  eares.  Thus  farr 
cute  of  the  relation  of  Verarsana. 

Nowe  to  come  to  Stephen  Gomes,  which  by  the 
commandemcnte  of  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fyfte 
discovered  the  coaste  of  Norumbega.  These  are  the 
wordes  of  Gonsaluo  dc  Ouiedo  in  his  summarve  of  the 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


25 


Westo  Indies,  translated  into  Italian,  concerningo 
liim,  fo.  52 :  Dapoi  die  vostra  jS[acst.\  c  in  questa 
cittii  di  Toledo,  avriuo  qui  ncl  mcsc  di  Nouembrc  il 
piloto  Stcphano  Gomez,  ilquule  nel'  anno  passato  del 
15'24.  per  comandamento  di  vostra  Maesta,  nauigo 
alia  parte  di  Tramontana,  et  trouo  gran  parte  di  terra 
continouata  a  quella  clie  si  cliiama  dellos  Bachallaos, 
discorrendo  i\  Occidentc,  et  giace  in  -lO.  ct  41.  grade, 
et  cosi  poco  piu  et  meno  ;  del  qual  luogo  menu  alcuni 
Indiani,  et  ne  sono  al  presente  in  questa  citta,  li  quali 
sono  di  maggior  grande/za  di  quelli  di  terra  ferma, 
sccondo  che  communcmcnte  sono,  perclic  anchora  il 
detto  piloto  disse  hauer  visto  molti,  clic  sono  tutti 
di  quella  medesima  grandezza,  il  color  vcramente  e 
come  quelli  di  terra  ferma  ;  sono  grandi  arcicri,  et 
vanno  coperti  di  pellc  d'animali  saluatichi,  et  d'  altri 
animali.  Sono  in  questa  terra  eccellenti  martori,  et  Mnrtirnes, 
zibcllini,  et  altre  ricclie  fodere,  delle  quali  ne  porto  itkhc  iurres, 

iSilverand 

alcune  pelle  il  detto  pilotto.     llanno  argento  et  rame,  cv.pper. 
et  secondo  clie  dicono  questi  Indiani,  et  con  segni  fanno 
intcndere,  adorano  il  Sole  et  la  Luna,  anche  hanuo 
altre  idolatrie  et  errori,  come  quelli  di  terra  forma. 

Another  Frenche  capitaine  of  Diepe,  which  had  a  cnpitaine 

.of  Diupe. 

bene  alonge'it  this  coaste,  gevcth  this  testymonie  of 
the  people  and  contrie  from  -16.  to  47. degrees,  as  it  is 
in  the  thirde  volume  of  viages  gathered  by  Ramusius, 
fol.  423.  pag.  secunda :  Gli  habitatori  di  questa  terra 
sono  genti  trattabih,  amicheuoli,  et  piaceuoli.  La 
terra  e  abbondantissima  d'ogni  frutto  ;  vi  nascono  omnRes, 
aranci,  mandorle,  vua   saluatica  et  molte  altre  sorti  Grapes. 


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DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Stephen  Bel- 
linger. 


IL 

§m: 

d'arbori  odoriferi ;  la  terra  e  detta  da  paesani  suoi 
Norumbega. 

This  coaste,  from  Cape  Briton  CC.  (200)  leagues  to 
the  south  west,  was  again  discovered  at  the  chardges 
of  the  cardinall  of  Burbon  by  my  frende  Stephen 
Bellinger  of  Roan,  the  laste  yere,  1583.  whoe  founde 
a  towne  of  fourscore  houses,  covered  with  the  barkes 
of  trees,  upon  a  rivers  side,  about  C.  leagues  from 
the  aforesaid  Cape  Briton.  He  reporteth  that  the 
contrie  is  of  the  temperature  of  the  coaste  of  Gas- 
coigne  and  Guyafi.  He  broughte  home  a  kinde  of 
mynerall  matter  supposed  to  holde  silver,  whereof  he 

Muske,  called  gavc  me  somo ;  a  kynde  of  muske  called  castor ; 
divers  beastes  skynnes,  as  bevers,  otters,  marternes, 
lucernes,  scales,  buffs,  dere  skynnes,  all  dressed,  and 
painted  on  the  innerside  Avith  divers  excellent  colours, 
as  redd,  tawnye,  yellowe,  and  vermillyon,  —  all  which 
thinges  I  sawe ;  and  divers  other  marchandize  he 
hath  which  I  saw  not.  But  he  told  me  that  he  had 
CCCC.  and  xl.  crownes  for  that  in  Roan,  which,  in 
trifles  bestowed  upon  the  savages,  stoode  him  not  in 

TheMnrquea  fortic  crowncs.     And  this  yere,  1584.  the  Marques 

de  la  Roche,  *'  ^ 

1684.  de   la   Roche  wente   with   three   hundreth   men   to 

inhabite  in  those  partes,  whose  voyadge  was  over- 
throwen  by  occasion  that  his  greatest  sjiippe  of  CCC. 
tonnes  was  caste  awaye  over  againste  Burwage,  and 
so  the  enterprize  for  this  yere  ceseth. 

The  nature  and  qualitie  of  thother  pai'te  of  Amer- 
ica from  Cape  Briton,  beinge  in  46  degrees  unto  the  lat- 
itude of  52.  for  iij.  C.  leagues  within  the  lande  even  to 
Hochelaga,  is  notably  described  in  the  twoo  voyadges 


Excellent 
colours  for 
dyenge. 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


27 


of  lacques  Cartier.  In  the  fifte  chapiter  of  his  sec- 
onde  relation  thus  he  writeth:  From  the  19.  till  the 
28.  of  September  wee  sailed  upp  the  n  vev,  never  loos- 
inge  one  houre  of  tyme,  all  which  space  wee  sawe  as 
goodly  a  contrie  as  possibly  coulde  be  wisshed  for,  full 
of  cdl  sortes  of  goodly  trees,  that  is  to  say,  oakes,  elmes, 
walnut-trees,  cedars,  fyrres,  asshes,  boxe,  willoughes, 
and  greate  store  of  vynes,  all  as  full  of  grapes  as  coulde 
be,  that  if  any  of  our  fellowes  wente  on  shoare,  they 
came  home  laden  with  them.  There  are  likewise 
many  cranes,  swannes,  geese,  mallardes,  fesauntes, 
partridges,  thrusshes,  black  birdes,  turtles,  finches,  redd 
brestes,  nightingales,  sparrowes,  with  other  sortes  of 
birdes  even  as  in  Fraunce,  and  greate  plentie  and  store. 
Againe  in  the  xi*.''  chapiter  of  the  said  relation  there 
ys  mention  of  silver  and  golde  to  be  upon  a  ryver  that 
is  three  monethes  saylinge,  navigable  southwarde  from 
Hochelaga ;  and  that  redd  copper  is  yn  Saguynay. 
All  that  contrie  is  full  of  sondrie  sortes  of  woodde 
and  many  vines.  There  is  greate  store  of  stagges,  redd 
dere,  fallowe  dere,  beares,  and  other  suclie  like  sorts 
of  beastes,  as  conies,  hares,  marterns,  foxes,  otters,  be- 
vers,  squirrells,  badgers,  and  rattes  excedinge  greate, 
and  divers  other  sortes  of  beastes  for  huntinge.  There 
are  also  many  sortes  of  fowles,  as  cranes,  swannes, 
outardes,  wilde  geese,  white  and  graye,  duckes,  thrussh- 
es, black  birdes,  turtles,  wilde  pigeons,  lynnetts, 
finches,  redd  brestes,  stares,  nightingales,  sparrowes, 
and  other  birdes  even  as  in  Fraunce.  Also,  as  wee 
have  said  before,  the  said  ryver  is  the  plentifullest  of 
fyshe  that  ever  hath  bene  seene  or  hearde  of,  because 


laques  Car- 
tier. 


Vynes. 


Cylver, 
G.Jde, 


Ked  copper 


Staggs, 

Dere, 

Beares, 

Conyes, 

Hares, 

Marterns, 

Foxes, 

Otters, 

Bevers, 

Squirrells, 

Badgers, 

Cranes, 

Swannes, 

Outardes, 

Wild  geese 

Mallardes, 

Thrushes, 

Blackbirds, 

Turtles, 

Wilde 

Pigeons. 


1."  'ft'    ■  i  ) 


i: 


m 
m 

It 


i; 

H 
I' 


!i  < 


I 


Golde,  and 
Redd  copper. 


A  Bea  of 

freshe  water. 


CjTQaraon, 
Cloves. 


Vasques  de 
Coronado. 


Ceuola,  a 
towne  of 
CC  houses. 


28 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


that  from  the  heade  to  the  mouthe  of  yt  you  shall 
findc  all  kinde  of  freshe  and  salte  water  fyshe,  accord- 
mge  to  their  season.  There  are  also  many  whales, 
porposes,  sea  horses,  and  adhothuis,  which  is  a  kinde 
of  fishe  which  wee  have  never  scene  nor  hearde  of 
before.  And  in  the  xii^?  chapiter  thus :  Wee  under- 
stoode  of  Donaconna  and  others  that  .  .  .  there  are 
people  cladd  with  clothe  as  wee  are,  very  honest,  and 
many  inhabited  townes,  and  that  ihey  had  greate 
store  of  golde  and  redde  copper ;  and  that  within 
the  land  beyonde  the  said  firste  ryver  unto  Hochelaga 
and  Saguynay,  ys  an  iland  envyroned  rounde  aboute 
with  that  and  other  ryvers,  and  that  there  is  a  sea  of 
freshe  water  founde,  and,  as  they  have  hearde  say 
of  those  of  Saguynay,  there  was  never  man  hearde  of 
that  founde  oute  the  begynnynge  and  ende  thereof. 
Finally,  in  the  postscripte  of  the  seconde  relation,  wee 
reade  these  wordcs:  They  of  Canada  saye,  that  it  is  a 
moones  sailinge  to  goe  to  a  laiide  where  cynamonde 
and  cloves  are  gathered. 

And  no  we,  because  hitherto  I  have  spoken  of  the 
outwarde  coaste,  I  will  also  alledge  the  comodities  of 
the  inland,  in  the  latitude  of  37.  degrees,  about  the 
citie  of  Ceuola,  usinge  the  very  wordes  of  Vasques  de 
Coronado,  in  the  thirde  chapter  of  his  Relation,  writ- 
ten to  Don  Antonio  di  Mendoza,  Viceroy  of  Mexico, 
which  sente  him  thither  with  many  Spaniardes  and 
iiij.  C.  horses  and  a  thousande  Indians  to  discover 
those  contries.  He,  speakinge  there  of  the  citie  of 
Ceuola,  procedeth  in  this  manner :  In  questo  done 
io  sto  hora  alloggiato  possono  esserui  qualche  dugento 


11 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


29 


case  tutte  circondate  di  muro,  et  parmi  che  con  1'  altre 
die  non  souo  cosi  possono  arriuare  a  cinquecento  fuo- 
chi.  V  e  vn'  altra  terra  vicina,  che  e  vna  delle  sette,  ct 
e  alquanto  maggior  di  qucsta,  et  vn'  altra  della  mede- 
sima  grandczza  di  questa,  et  I'altre  quattro  sono  al- 
quanto minori,  et  tutte  io  le  mando  dipinte  a  vostra 
Signoria  con  il  viaggio,  et  pergamino  doue  va  la 
piitura  si  trouo  qui  con  altri  pergamini  ....  hanno 
mantelli  dipinti  della  maniera  che  io  mando  a  vostra 
Signoria,  non  raccolgono  bombaso  .  .  .  pero  ne  por- 
tano  mantelli,  come  ella  vedra  per  la  mostra ;  et  e 
vero  che  si  ritrouo  nelle  lor  case  certo  bombaso  filato : 
.  .  .  et  hanno  delle  turchine  pcnso  in  quantitu,  ...  si 
trouaron  in  vna  carta  dne  punte  di  smeraldi,  et  certe 
picciole  pietre  rotte,  che  tirano  al  color  di  granate,  .  . 
et  altre  pietre  di  cristallo  ...  si  trouaron  galline  .  . 
son  buonissirae  et  maggiori  che  quelle  di  Messico.  .  . 
Si  trouo  buonissima  herba  ad  vn  quarto  di  legha  di  qua. 
.  .  .  INIangiano  le  migliori  tortelle  che  io  habbia  veduto 
in  alcuna  parte.  .  .  .  Hanno  buonissimo  sale  in  grano, 
che  leuano  da  vn  lagume  che  e  lunghe  vna  giornata  di 
qua.  .  .  .  Vi  sono  di  molti  animali,  orsi,  tigri,  leoni,  et 
porci  spinosi,  lepri,  conigli,  et  certi  castrati  della  gran- 
dezza  d'  un  cauallo,  con  corni  mr'to  grandi  et  code  pic- 
ciole. .  .  .  Vi  sono  delle  capr*^  saluatichc,  delle  quali 
ho  veduto  le  teste,  .  .  et  lepclli  do  i  cingiali.  Visono 
cacciagioni  di  cerui,  pardi,  caurioli  molto  grandi  .  ,  . 
fanno  otto  giornate  verso  le  campagne  al  mare  di  set- 
tentrione.  Quiui  sono  certe  pelli  ben  concie,  et  la 
concia  et  pittura  gli  dan  doue  vccidon  le  vncche.     In 

Mando    a  vostra   Sig- 


Bombase, 
Turchine, 
Smeraldi. 


Excellent 
salle. 


Shepe. 
excedinge 
proate. 
Apes. 


The  Northe 
Sea. 


Oxen. 


If 


the  last  chapiter  he  addeth 


J  .It 


30 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


i  Hi 


R  illpt 


noria  vna  pelle  di  vacca,  certe  turchine  et  duoi  pen- 
denti  d'orecchie  delle  medesime,  et  quindici  pettini 
de  gl'Indiani,  et  alcune  tauolette  guarnite  di  queste 
turchine,  &c.  And  for  a  conclusion  he  endethe  say- 
Goideand  cnge :  In  questo  luogo  s'e  trouato  alquanto  oro  et 
Syiver.  argcuto,  chc  quei  che  s'intendon  di  miniera  non  1' 
han  reputato  per  cattiuo. 

And  Franciscus  Lopez  de  Gomera,  in  his  Generall 
Historic  of  the  Indies,  fol.  297.  and  298.  in  treatinge 
of  the  seconde  voyadge  of  Franciscus  Vasques  de 
Coronado  from  Ceuola  to  Tigues,  from  Tigues  to 
Cicuic,  and  from  Cicuic  to  Quiuira,  saieth  firste  of 
the  contrye  about  Tigues :  Ci  sono  in  quel  paese 
melloni,  et  cottone  bianco  et  rosso,  del  quale  fanno 
piu  larghi  mantelli,  che  in  altre  bande  delle  Indie. 
And  of  Quiuira  he  saieth:  e  Quiuira  in  quaranta 
gradi,  e  paese  temperato  de  bonissime  acque,  di  molto 
herbatico,  prugne,  more,  noci,  meloni  et  vue  che  matu- 
rano  benissimo ;  et  vestono  pelle  di  vacche  e  caprioli ; 
uiddero  per  la  costa  navi  che  portavano  arcatrarzes 
di  oro  et  argento  per  le  proe,  con  mercantie,  c  cre- 
dettoro  ch'erano  del  Cataio  et  China :  per  che  accen- 
navanO;  che  havevano  nauigato  trenta  di. 

Touchinge  Newefounde  lande,  because  no  man  hath 
better  searched  it  oute,  and  all  the  comodities  thereof, 
then  those  that  were  there  the  laste  yere,  1583,  the 
space  of  eightene  dales  on  lande,  with  Sir  Humfry 
Gilbert,  I  will  make  rehersall  thereof,  as  I  finde  it 
comitted  to  printe  in  a  learned  discourse,  intituled  A 
Trve  Reporte  of  tlie  late  Discoueries  and  Possessyon 
taken  in  the  Righto  of  the  Crowne  of  England,  of  the 


L 

ill, 

WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


31 


Newfounde  Landes,  &c.  The  wordes  are  these  in  the 
firste  leafe:  Then  Sir  Humfry  wente  to  viewe  the 
contrye,  beinge  well  accompanied  with  moste  of  his 
capitaines  and  souldicrs.  They  founde  the  same  very 
temperate,  but  somwhat  warmer  then  England  at  that 
time  of  the  yere,  replenished  with  bcastes  and  greate 
store  of  fowle  of  divers  kyndes,  and  fisshes  of  sondrye 
sortes,  bothe  in  the  salte  water  and  in  the  freshe,  in  so 
greate  plentie  as  mighte  suffice  to  victuall  an  armye, 
and  they  are  very  easely  taken.  And  in  the  fifte 
chapter  of  the  said  discourse  I  reade  in  this  manner : 
But  let  us  omitte  all  presumtions,  ho  we  vehemente  so- 
ever, and  dwell  upon  the  certentie  of  suchc  comodities 
as  were  discovered  and  founde  by  Sir  Humfry  Gilbert 
and  his  assistantes  in  Newfoundelande,  in  Auguste 
laste ;  fFor  there  may  very  easely  be  made  pitche,  tarr, 
rosen,  sope  asshes,  in  greate  plentie,  yea,  as  it  is 
thoughte,  ynoughe  to  serve  the  whole  realme  of  every 
of  these  kindes  r  and  of  trayue  oyle  suche  quantitie 
as  if  I  shoulde  set  downe  the  value  that  they  doe 
esteme  it  at,  which  have  bene  there,  yt  woulde  seme 
incredible. 

To  this  in  effecte  agreeth  that  which  one  Stepha- 
nus  Parmenius,  a  learned  Hungarian,  borne  in  Buda, 
and  lately  my  bedfelowe  in  Oxforde,  wrote  unto  me 
cute  of  Newfounde  lande,  beinge  of  Sir  Humfryes 
cornpanye :  Piscium  (saicth  he,  writinge  in  Latin)  iuex- 
hausta  copia,  inde  hue  commeantibus  magnus  quoestus. 
Vix  hamus  fundum  attigit,  illico  insigni  aliquo  onus- 
tus  est.  Terra  universa  montana  et  syluestris ;  arbo- 
res  vt  plurimum  pinus   et   abietes.     Herbae   omnes 


ritcho,  Tarr, 
Kosen, 
Sopo  Asshes. 


Trayne  Oyle. 


Stephaniis 
Parmenius, 
of  liuda. 

Letters  the 
last  yere,  in 
Latin,  out  of 
Ne^7i'ounde 
hmde. 


^1 


i' 


II 
II 
II 
ii 


C 


ffl   ,      ■  >  '\:    m 

w 

» 
■I 


ii  ; 

'  f 

ji     ' ; 

1  ■• .,  . 

•  _  f 

(1    ■ 
1 

'1 

at' 


I 


82 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


PyncB  and 
Fyrres. 


Afterwardes 
they  sett  the 
woodds  on 
fire,  which 
bunite  three 
weekes  to- 
gether. 


Create  heate 
in  New- 
fouude  lande 
in  sommer. 


Jasjier  Corte- 
reallR. 


procerae,  sed  raro  a  nostris  diuerste.  Natiira  videtur 
velle  niti  etiam  ad  gcneraudum  frumentum.  luueni 
enim  gramina  et  spicas  in  similitudinem  secalis.  Et 
facile  cultura  et  satione  in  vsuni  humanum  assuefieri 
posse  videntur.  llubi  in  siluis  vel  potius  fmga  arbo- 
rescentia  magna  suauitate.  Vrsi  circa  tuguria  non- 
nunquam  apparent  et  conficiuntur.  .  .  .  Ignotura 
est  an  aliquid  metalli  subsit  montibus,  .  .  .  etsi  aspec- 
tus  eorum  mineras  latentes  prte  se  ferat.  Nos  Ad- 
miralio  authores  fuimus  syluas  incendere,  quo  ad 
inspiciendam  regionem  spatium  pateret ;  noc  displice- 
bat  illi  consilium,  si  non  magnum  incommodum  alla- 
turum  videretur.  Confirmatum  est  enim  ab  idoneis 
hominibus,  cum  casu  quopiam  in  alia  nescio  qua  sta- 
tione  id  accidisset,  septennium  totum  pisces  non  cora- 
paruisse,  exacerbata  maris  vnda  ex  terebinthina,  quae 
conflagrantibus  arboribus  per  riuulos  defluebat.  Cce- 
lum  hoc  anni  tempore  ita  feruidum  est  vt  nisi  pisces 
qui  arefiunt  ad  solem  assidui  inuertantur,  ab  adus- 
tione  defendi  non  possint.  .  .  .  Aer  in  terra  medi- 
ocriter  clarus  est.  Ad  orientera  supra  mare  perpetuae 
nebulae,  &c. 

Nowe,  to  passe  from  Newfoundelande  to  60.  de- 
grees, I  finde  it  beste  described  by  Jasper  Corterealis, 
in  the  thirde  volume  of  the  voyadges  gathered  by 
Kamusius,  fol.  417.  There  I  reade  as  followeth: 
Nella  parte  del  mondo  nuouo  che  corre  verso  Tramon- 
tana  et  maestro  all'  incontro  del  nostro  habitabile  dell' 
Europa,  v'  hanno  nauigato  multi  capitani,  et  il  prime 
(per  quel'  che  si  sa)  fu  Gasparo  Cortereale  Porto- 
ghese,  die  del  1500. v'  ando  con  due  carauelle,  pen- 


WESTERNE    TLANTING. 


33 


sando  di  trouar  qualclie  stretto  di  marc,  donde  per 
viaggio  piu  brcue,  die  non  e  1'  andare  attorno  I'AfF- 
rica,  potesse  passarc  all'  Isole  dcllc  Spicerie.  Esso 
nauigo  tanto  auanti,  che  venne  in  luogo,  done  erano 
grandissinii  freddi,  et  in  gradi  GO.  di  latitudiuc  trouo  oo  degrees. 
vn  flume  carico  di  neue,  dalla  quale  gli  dctte  il  nome, 
chiamandolo  Rio  Neuado,  ne  gli  bast()  I'animo  di  pas-  itioXovad.). 
sar  pill  auanti.  Tutta  questa  costa,  che  corre  dal 
detto  Rio  Neuado  insiu'  al  porto  di  Maluas  leglie  200. 
ilqual  c  in  gradi  56.  la  vidde  plena  di  genti,  et  molto 
habitato :  sopra  laqual  dismontato  prose  alcuni  per 
menargli  seco,  scoperse.  anclio  molte  Isole  per  mezo 
la  detta  costa  tutte  populate,  a  ciascuna  dclle  quali 
diode  il  norae.  Gli  liabitauti  sono  huomini  grandi, 
ben  proportionati,  ma  alquanto  bcrrettini,  et  si  dipin- 
gono  la  faccia,  et  tutto  il  corpo  con  diuersi  colori  per  Dwers  cou 

.  .      .  .  ours. 

galanteria.     Portano  manigli  d'  argento  et  di  rame,  siUer. 
ct  SI  cuoprono  con  pelli  cucitc  nisieme  di   martori    et  Manori  et 
d'  altri  animali  diversi ;  il  verno  le  portono  col  pelo  iiiversi. 
di  dcntro,  et  la  state  di  fuoii.     II  cibo  loro  per  la 
niaggior   parte   e    di   pesce  piu   che   d'alcuua    altra  resce. 
cosa,  massimamente  di  salmoni,   che   n'hanno    gran-  Salmon. 
dissima  copia:   et  anchora  che  vi  siano  diuersi  sorti 
d'vccelli,  et   di    frutti,  nondimcno  non    fanno    conto 
se  non  del  pesce.     Le  loro  habitationi  sono  fatte  di 
Icgname,   dclquale    hanno     abbondantia    per   esserui  jrigiitie  an.i 
grandissimi,  ct  infiniti  boschi,  et  in  luogo  di  tegole  le 
cuoprono  di  pelli  di  pesci,  che  ne  pigliano  grandis-  MigiitiuCishe. 
simi,  et  gli  scorticano.     Vidde  molti  vccelli,  et  altri 
animali,  massimamente  orsi  tutti  bianchi. 


H\H\ 


II 
•I 

•I . 
I' 


(^ 


P 


jmh    .  ! 


84 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


I- 


The  reste  of  this  coaste  from  60.  to  63.  ia  described 
by  Frobisher,  and  in  freshc  mernorye,  so  that  I  shall 
not  nede  to  make  repetition  thereof. 

Thus,  havingc  aileagcd  many  printed  tcstymonies  of 
these  credible  persons,  which  were  personally  betwene 
30.  and  63.  degrees  in  America,  as  well  on  the  coaste 
as  within  the  lande,  which  affirmed  unto  the  princes 
and  kinges  which  sett  them  oute,  that  they  founde  there 
goldc,  silver,  copper,  leade,  and  perles  in  aboundnunce; 
precious  stones,  as  turqueses  and  emrauldes ;  spices 
and  druggs,  as  pepper,  cynamon,  cloves,  rubarb,  mnske 
called  castor,  turpentine ;  silke  wormcs,  fairer  then 
ours  of  Europe ;  wliite  and  redd  cotten ;  infinite  multi- 
tudes of  all  kinde  of  bcastes,  with  their  tallowe  and 
A  siiisuUr  hides  dressed  and  undressed  ;  cochenilio,  founde  laste 
(or  iiyiMi^'e  of  ycrc  by  the  men  oi  St.  John  de  Luze,  and  many 
other  kindes  of  coulours  for  clothinge  ;  millions  of  all 
kindes  of  fowles  for  foode  and  fethers  ;  salte  for  fissh- 
inge ;  excellent  vines  in  many  places  for  wines ;  the 
soile  apte  to  beare  olyves  for  oile  ;  all  kindes  of  frutes, 
as  oranges,  almondes,  filberdes,  figges,  plomes,  mul- 
beries,  raspis,  pomi  appij,  melons  ;  all  kinde  of  odorif- 
erous trees  and  date  trees,  ci presses,  cedars,  bayes, 
sapines,  hony  and  waxe;  and  in  New  founde  lande 
aboundaunce  of  pynes  and  firr  trees,  asshes,  and  other 
like,  to  make  mastes  and  deale  boordes,  pitche,  tarr, 
Thiiipcs  inci-  rosen  ;  and  hempe  for  cables  and  cordage  ;  and,  upp 
navy.  witliiu  the  Gv  .uudc  Baye,  excedinge  quantitie  of  all 

kynde  of  precious  furres  (whereof  I  sawe  twentie 
thousande  French  crownes  worthe  the  laste  yere 
broughte  to  Paris  to  T^aleron  Perosse  and  Mathewe 


ckifiie. 


rinucks  for 

shipps. 

Dares. 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


35 


Graincr,  the  kingcs  skynners) ;  also,  suche  aboun- 
daunce  of  trayne  oile  to  make  sope,  and  of  fishe  as  a  Sope  ashes, 
third  part  of  Europe  ys  furnished  therc^'  li,  —  I  may 
well  and  truly  conclude  with  reason  and  autlioritie, 
that  all  the  comoditics  of  all  our  olde  decayed  and 
daungerous  trades  in  all  Europe,  Africa,  and  Asia 
haunted  by  us,  may  in  shorte  space  for  little  or  noth- 
inge,  and  many  for  the  very  workemanshippe,  in  a 
manner  be  had  in  that  part  of  America  which  lieth 
betwcne  30.  and  60.  degrees  of  northerly  latitude,  if 
by  our  slacknes  we  suffer  not  the  Frenche  or  others  rrovontinn 

to  ho  taken 

to  prevente  us.  tede  of. 


( 


II 

1 1 
II 
l> 


»l 


C 


ii 


; 


I: 


i 
I 


.  e«| 


Hi 


86 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


I 


Cap.  IV.  Qll]ai  tliia  eutorprizo  will  be  for  the  manifoldo  ymploynicnt  of  nom- 
bers  of  idle  men,  and  for  bredingo  of  many  sufRcient,  and 
for  utteraiuico  of  tho  greato  quantitlo  of  tbo  comoditios  of 
our  roalmo. 


It  is  well  worthe  the  observation  to  see  .  d  con- 
sider what  the  like  voyadges  of  discovcrye  and  plant- 
inge  in  the  Easte  and  Weste  Indies  hath  wroughtc 
in  the  kingdomes  of  Portingale  and  Spayne ;  bothe 
which  rcalmes,  bcinge  of  themselves  poore  and  bar- 
ren and  hardly  able  to  susteine  their  inhabitaunts, 
by  their  discoveries  have  founde  suche  occasion  of 
employmcnte,  that  these  many  yercs  we  have  not 
herde  scarcely  of  any  pirate  of  those  twoo  nations ; 
whereas  wee  and  the  Frenche  are  moste  infamous 
for  our  outeragious,  common,  and  daily  piracies. 
Againe,  when  hearde  wee  almoste  of  one  theefe 
amongest  them  1  The  reason  is,  that  by  these,  their 
newe  discoveries,  they  have  so  many  honest  wayes  to 
set  them  on  worke,  as  they  rather  wante  men  then 
meanes  to  ymploye  them.  But  Avee,  for  all  the  stat- 
utes that  hitherto  can  be  devised,  and  the  sharpe 
execution  of  the  same  in  poonishinge  idle  and  lazye 
persons,  for  wante  of  sufficient  occasion  of  honest 
employmente,  cannot  deliver  our  commonwealthe 
from  multitudes  of  loytercrs  and  idle  vagabondes. 
Truthe  it  is,  that  throughe  our  longe  peace  and  sel- 


WESTEIINE    PLANTING. 


37 


dome  sicklies  (twoo  singulcr  blossingcs  of  Alniiglitie 
God)  wee  are  growcn  more  populous  than  ever  here- 
tofore ;  80  that  rowe  tliere  are  of  every  arte  and 
science  so  many,  that  they  can  hardly  lyve  one  by 
another,  nay  rather  they  are  readie  to  catc  upp  one 
another ;    yea  many  thousandes  of  idle  persons  are  mip  porsons 

miitj'iioiifi, 

within  this  realme,  which,  havinge  no  way  to  be  sett  "!"'  '''?'■■«. 

'  '-'  •'  altt'ratiua  in 

on  worke,  be  either  mutinous  and  seeke  alteration  ^''^s'^'a. 
in  the  state,  or  at  leaste  very  burdensome  to  the  com- 
mopwealthe,  and  often  fall  to  pilfcringc  and  thevinge 
and  other  Icwdnes,  whereby  all  the  prisons  of  the 
lande  are  daily  pestred  and  stuffed  full  of  them, 
wliere  either  they  pitifully  pyne  awaye,  or  els  at 
lengthe  are  miserably  hanged,  even  xx*'.  at  a  clappe 
oute  of  some  one  jayle.  Whereas  yf  this  voyadge 
were  put  in  execution,  these  pety  theves  miglite  be  Aromcdvto 

^  .  all  these  in- 

condempncd  for  certen  yeres  in  the  westerne  partes,  couvoincuccs. 

especially  in  Newefounde  lande,  in  sawingc  and  fcll- 

inge   of  tymber  for   mastes    of   shippes,    and   deale 

boordes ;  in  burninge  of  the  firrcs  and  pine  trees  to 

make  pitche,  tarr,  rosen,  and  sope  ashes ;  in  beatinge 

and  workinge  of  hempe  for  cordage  ;  and,  in  the  more 

soutlierne  partes,  in  settinge  them  to  worko  in  mynes 

of  golde,  silver,  copper,  leade,  and  yron  ;  in  dragginge 

for  pcrles  and  currall;  in  plan  tinge  of  suger  canes,  as 

the  Portingales  have  done  in  Madera;  in  mayneteyn- 

aiince  and  increasinge  of  silkc  wormes  for  silke    and 

in  dressinge  the  same  ;  in  gatheringe  of  cotton  whereof 

there  is  plentie  ;  in  tillinge  of  the  soilc  there  for  graine  ; 

in  dressinge  of  vines  whereof  there  is  greate  aboun- 

daunce  for  wyne ;  olyves,  whereof  the  soile  ys  capable, 


:.i 


II 
)  I 

II 
•  < 


c 


(! 


I  > 

I ' 


,»!.'     * 


!Ji« 


•jtv 


M'. 


M 
M 


m 


t  fi 


^ « a 


38 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


for  oyle ;  trees  for  oranges,  lymons,  almondes,  figges, 
and  other  frutes,  all  which  are  founde  to  growe  there 
already ;  in  sowinge  of  woade  and  madder  for  diers, 
as  the  Portingales  have  don  in  the  Azores ;  in  dress- 
inge  of  raw  hides  of  divers  kindes  of  beastes ;  in 
maki  ige  and  gatheringe  of  salte,  as  in  Rochel  and 
Ba}'^n,  which  may  serve  for  the  newe  iande  fissh- 
inge ;  in  killingc  the  whale,  scale,  porpose,  and 
whirlepoola  for  trayne  oile ;  in  fisshinge,  saltinge, 
and  dryenge  of  linge,  codde,  salmon,  berringe ;  in 
makinge  and  gatheimge  of  hony,  waxe,  turpentine ; 
in  hewinge  and  shapinge  of  stone,  as  marble,  jeate, 
christail,  freestone,  which  will  be  goodd  balaste  for 
our  shippes  homcwardes,  and  after  serve  for  noble 
buildinges ;  in  makinge  of  caske,  oares,  and  all  other 
manner  of  staves  ;  in  buildinge  of  fortes,  townes, 
churches ;  in  powdringe  and  barrellinge  of  fishe, 
fowles,  and  fleshe,  which  will  be  notable  provision  for 
sefi  and  Iande ;  in  dryenge,  sortinge,  and  packinge  of 
felher .,  whereof  may  be  had  there  marvelous  greate 
quantitie. 

Besides  this,  such  as  by  any  kinde  of  infirmitie 
cannot  passe  the  seas  thither,  and  now  are  chardge- 
able  to  the  realme  at  home,  by  this  voyadge  slial  be 
made  profitable  members,  by  empioyinge  them  in 
England  in  makinge  of  a  thousande  triflinge  thiuffes, 
which  will  be  very  goodd  marchandize  for  those 
contries  where  wee  shall  have  moste  ample  vente 
thereof. 

And  seinge  the  savages  of  the  Graunde  Baye,  and 
all  aloiige   the  mightie  ryver  that  ronneth  upp  to 


I! 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


39 


Canada  and  Hochelaga,  are  greately  delighted  with 
any  cappe  or  garment  made  of  course  Avollen  clothe, 
their  contrie  bcinge  colde  and  sharpe  ''n  the  winter, 
yt  is  manifesto  wee  shall  finde  greate  uttcraunce 
of  our  clothes,  especially  of  our  coursest  and  basest 
northerne  doosens,  and  our  Irishe  and  "VVelshe  frizes 
and  rugges  ;  whereby  all  occupations  belongingc  to 
clothinge  and  knittinge  shalbe  freshly  sett  on  worke, 
as  cappers,  knitters,  clothiers,  wollmen,  carders,  spyn- 
ners,  weavers,  fullers,  shoremen,  dyers,  drapers,  hat- 
ters, and  such  like,  whereby  many  decayed  townes 
may  be  repaired. 

In  somme,  this  enterprice  will  roynistei  matter  for 
all  sortcs  and  states  of  men  to  worke  upon ;  namely, 
all  severall  kindes  of  artificers,  husbandmen,  seamen, 
niarchauntes,  souldiers,  capitaines,  phisitions,  lawyers, 
devincs,  cosmographers,  hidrographers,  astronomers, 
historiographers ;  yea,  olde  folkes,  lame  persons, 
'vomen,  and  younge  children,  by  many  mcanes  which 
hereby  shall  still  be  mynistred  unto  them,  shalbe 
kcpte  from  idlenes,  and  be  made  able  by  their  owne 
honest  and  easie  labour  to  finde  themselves,  withoute 
surchardginge  others.  For  pro-)fe  of  the  laste  parte 
of  my  allegation  I  v/ill  use  but  onely  this  one  ex- 
ample followinge. 

In  the  yere  of  f^m  Lorde  1564.  at  what  tyme  the 
Flemishe  nation  were  growen,  as  yt  were,  to  the  fulnes 
of  their  wealthe  and  to  the  heighte  of  their  pride, 
and  not  remembringe  what  wonderfull  gaine  they  had 
yerely  by  the  woUes,  clothes,  and  comodities  of  Eng- 
land, beganne  to  contempne  our  nation  and  to  rejecte 


'('3 


f  ■ 


tyj' 


?^ 


40 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


our  clothes  and  comodities,  a  subjocte  of  the  then 
twoo  Erles  of  Emden,  a  man  of  gieatc  observation, 
wrote  a  notable  discourse  to  the  younge  erles,  to  take 
occasion  of  that  present  tyme  by  offer  of  large  privi- 
ledgcs  in  Emden  to  the  Englishe  men.  In  which  dis- 
course, the  said  subjecte,  for  the  better  inducemente 
of  the  said  twoo  younge  erles,  dothe  write  of  his 
owne  knowledge,  as  he  in  his  discourse  affirmeth, 
and  as  also  by  his  reporte  appcreth  in  the  2'2d  booke 
of  Sleydans  Comentaries,  that,  anno  1550.  Charles 
the  Fifte,  then  Emperour,  would  have  had  the  Span- 
ishe  Inquisition  broughte  into  Andwerpe  and  into  the 
Nethcrlandes ;  whereaboute  there  was  moche  adoe, 
and  that  neither  the  sute  of  the  towne  of  Andwerpe, 
nor  the  requeste  of  their  frendes,  could  perswade  the 
Emperour  from  it,  till  at  the  laste  they  tolde  him 
playnely,  that  if  the  Inquisition  came  into  Andwerpe 
and  the  Netherlandes,  that  the  Englishe  marchantes 
woulde  departe  oute  of  the  towne  and  oute  of  his 
contrics ;  and  upon  declaration  of  this  suggesuon, 
searche  was  made  what  profite  there  came  and 
comoditie  grewe  by  the  haunte  of  the  Englishe  mar- 
chantes. Then  was  it  founde  by  searche  and  enquirie, 
that  within  the  towne  of  Andwerpe  alone,  there  were 
fourtcne  thousandc  persons  fedde  and  maynetcyned 
oncly  by  the  workinge  of  Englishe  commodities, 
besides  the  gaines  that  marchantes  and  shippers  with 
other  in  the  said  towne  did  gott,  which  was  the  great- 
est parte  of  their  lyvinge,  which  were  thoughte  to  be 
in  nombcr  halfe  as  many  more ;  and  in  all  other  places 
of  his  Netherlandes  by  the  indrapinge  of  Englishe 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


41 


woll  into  clothe,  and  by  the  workinge  of  other  Eng- 
lishe  comodities,  there  were  thirtie  thousande  per- 
sons more  mayneteyned  and  fedd ;  which  in  all 
amoiintcth  to  the  nomber  of  Ij.M.  persons.  And  this 
was  the  reporte  that  was  gcven  to  this  mightie  Em- 
perour  whereby  the  towne  of  Andwerpe  and  the 
Ncthcrlandes  were  saved  from  the  Inquisition.  And 
in  the  ende  of  the  45th  article  of  the  same  discourse, 
also,  he  setteth  down  by  particuler  accompte  howe 
the  Gubjectes  of  the  same  Emperour  in  the  Nether- 
landes  dyd  gainc  yerely  onely  by  the  woll  and  wollen  six  hundred 

thousand 

clothe  that  came  echo  yere  oute  of  England,  almoste  pounde 

''  _  "  f^ayned  yere- 

vi.  C.  M"      I   say   almoste    sixe   hundreth   thousande  \Y}^y  ^^"s- 

•'  lishe  wolles. 

poundes  sterlinge,  besides  the  gaines  thev  had  for 
sondry  other  thinges,  that  were  of  marvelous  somcR. 

No  we  if  her  Majestic  take  these  westerne  discov- 
eries in  hande,  and  plante  there,  yt  is  like  that  in 
shorte  time  wee  shall  vente  as  greate  a  masse  of 
clothe  yn  those  partes  as  ever  wee  did  in  the  Nether- 
landcs,  and  in  tyrae  moche  more ;  which  was  the 
opinion  of  that  excellent  man,  Mr.  Iloberte  Thorne,  4 

extante  in  printe  in  the  laste  leafe  savinge  one  of  his 
discourse  to  Doctor  Lea,  embassador  for  King  Henry 
the  Eighte,  in  Spaine,  with  Charles  the  Emperour, 
whose  wordes  are  these :  And  althoughe  (saieth  he) 
wee  wente  not'  into  the  said  ilandes  of  spicerye,  for 
that  they  are  the  Emperours  or  Kinges  of  Portingale, 
wee  shoulde  by  the  way,  and  comynge  once  to  the 
lyne  equinoctiall,  finde  landes  no  lesse  riche  of  golde 
and  spicerie,  as  all  other  landes  are  under  the  said 
lyne  equiaocticall ;    and   also  shoulde,  yf  wee  ma/ 


«i 


41 


ii 


I' 

r 


1,    I 


n 

« 


lii 


w^ 


i 


42 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


passe  under  the  northe,  enjoye  the  navigation  of  all 
Tartarye,  which  shoukl  be  no  lesse  profitable  to 
our  comodities  of  clothe,  then  those  spiceries  to  the 
Emperour  and  Kinge  of  Portingale. 

This  beinge  soe,  yt  coiueth  to  passe,  that  whatso- 
ever clothe  wee  shall  vento  on  the  tracte  of  that  firme, 
or  in  the  ilandes  of  the  same,  or  in  other  landes, 
ilandes,  and  territories  beyonde,  be  they  within  the 
circle  articke  or  withoute,  all  these  clothes,  I  say,  are 
to  passe  oute  of  this  realme  full  wroughte  by  our 
naturall  subjectes  in  all  di  ^'rees  of  labour.  And  if  it 
come  aboute  in  tyme  that  wee  shall  vente  that  masse 
there  that  wee  vented  in  the  Base  Contrics,  which 
is  hoped  by  greate  reason,  then  shall  all  that  clothe 
passe  oute  of  this  realme  in  all  degrees  of  labour 
full  wroughte  by  the  poore  naturall  subjectes  of  this 
realme,  like  as  the  quantitie  of  our  clothe  dothe  passe 
that  goeth  hence  to  Russia,  Barbaric,  Turkye,  Persia, 
&c.  And  then  consequently  it  followeth,  that  the  like 
nomber  of  people  alleaged  to  the  Emperour  shal  be 
sett  on  worke  in  England  of  our  poore  subjectes  more 
then  hath  bene ;  and  so  her  Majestic  shall  not  be 
troubled  with  the  pitefull  outecryes  of  cappers,  knyt- 
ters,  spynners,  &c. 

And  on  the  other  side  wee  are  to  note,  that  all 
the  comodities  wee  shall  bringe  thence,  wee  shall  not 
bringe  them  wroughte,  as  wee  bringe  now  the  comodi- 
ties of  Fraunce  and  Flaunders,  &c.,  but  shall  receave 
them  all  substaunces  unwroughte,  to  the  ymploymente 
of  a  wonderfull  multitude  of  the  poore  subjectes  of 
this  realme  in  returne.     And  so  to  conclude,  what  in 


WE8TERNE    PLANTING. 


43 


the  nomber  of  thinges  to  goe  oute  >vi'oughte,  and 
to  come  in  unwroughte,  there  node  not  one  poore 
creature  to  steale,  to  starve,  or  to  bcgge  as  they  doe. 

And  to  answer  objections  ;  where  fooles  for  the  Objection, 
swarminge  of  beggers  alleage  that  the  realme  is  too 
populous,  Salomon  saieth,  that  the  honour  and  Aunswer. 
strengthe  of  a  prince  consisteth  in  the  multitude  of  the  '*' 
people.  And  if  this  come  aboute,  that  worke  may  be 
had  for  the  multitude,  where  the  realme  hath  nowe  one 
thousande  for  the  defence  thereof,  the  same  may  have 
fyve  thousande.  For  when  people  knowe  howe  to 
live,  and  howe  to  mayneteyne  and  feedc  their  wyves 
and  children,  they  will  not  abstaine  from  mariage  as 
nowe  they  doe.  And  the  soile  thus  aboundinge  with 
come,  flesho,  mylke,  butter,  cheese,  herbcs,  rootes, 
and  frutes,  &c.,  and  the  seas  that  envyron  the  same 
so  infynitely  aboundinge  in  fishe,  I  dare  truly  afhrme, 
that  if  the  nomber  in  this  realme  were  as  greate  as 
all  Spaine  and  Ffraunce  have,  the  people  beingc  indus- 
trious, I  say,  there  shouldc  be  foundc  victualls  ynoughe 
at  the  full  in  all  bounty  to  suffice  then  all.  And 
takinge  order  to  cary  hence  thither  our  clothes  made 
in  hose,  coates,  clokes,  whoodes,  &c.,  and  to  returne 
thither  hides  of  their  owne  bcastcs,  tanned  and  turned 
into  shoes  and  bootes,  and  other  skynnes  of  goates, 
whereof  they  have  store,  into  gloves,  &c.,  no  doubte 
but  wee  shall  sett  on  worke  in  this  realme,  besides 
sailers  and  suche  as  shalbe  seated  there  in  those 
westerne  discovered  contries,  at  the  leaste  C.  M.  sub- 
joctes,  to  the  greate  abatinge  of  the  goodd  estate  of 
subjectes  of  forreine  princes,  enemies,  or  doubtfull 


f 

i: 


«> 


It 
It 

if 
I' 


(! 


'■]: 


fjik. 


'^'^: 
^ 


I" 

<m 
m 

i 


•I 


^11 


If 


44 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


frendes,  and  this  absque  injuria,  as  the  lawyers  say, 
albeit  not  sine  damno.  And  havinge  a  vente  of  lyn- 
nen,  as  the  Spaniardes  have  in  the  rest  of  that  firme, 
wee  may  sett  our  people,  in  makinge  the  same,  infi- 
nitely on  worke,  and  in  many  other  thingcs  besides ; 
which  time  will  bringe  abonte,  thoughe  nowe,  for 
wante  of  knowledge  and  full  experience  of  this 
trade,  wee  cannot  enter  into  juste  accompte  of  all 
particulers. 


■\VESTERNE   PLANTING. 


45 


Qi\)at  this  voyadge  will  he  a  greate  bridle  to  the  Indies  of  the 
Kinge  of  Spaine,  and  a  meane  that  wee  may  arreste  at  our 
pleasure  for  the  space  of  tonne  weekes  or  three  mouethos 
every  yere  one  or  twoo  C.  saile  of  his  subjectes  shippes  at 
the  fyshinge  in  Newfounde  Land. 


Cap.  V. 


I   i'^l 


I* 


% 


'E\}t  cause  why  the  Kinge  of  Spaine,  these  three 
or  foure  yeres  last  paste,  was  at  suche  intollerable 
chardges  in  furnishinge  oute  so  many  navies  to  wynne 
Tercera,  and  the  other  small  ilandes  of  the  Azores 
adjacent  to  the  same,  was  the  oportunitie  of  the  places 
in  interceptinge  his  West  Indian  flete  at  their  retume 
homewarde,  as  a  matter  that  toucheth  him  indeede 
to  the  quicke.  But  the  plantings  of  twoo  or  three 
stronge  fortes  upon  some  goodd  havens  (whereof  there 
is  greate  store)  betwene  Florida  and  Cape  Briton, 
woulde  be  a  matter  in  shorte  space  of  greater  do  mage 
as  well  to  his  flete  as  to  his  westerne  Indies ;  for  wee 
shoulde  not  onely  often  tymes  indaunger  his  flete  in 
the  returne  thereof,  but  also  in  fewe  yeres  put  him 
in  hazarde  in  loosinge  some  parte  of  Nova  Hispania. 

Touchinge  the  fleete,  no  man  (that  knoweth  the 
course  thereof,  comynge  oute  betwene  Cuba  and  the 
Cape  of  Florida,  alonge  the  gulfe  or  straite  of  Ba- 
hama) can  denye  that  it  is  caricd  by  the  currant  northe 
and  northeaste  towardes  the  coaste  which  wee  purpose, 
God  willinge,  to  inhabite ;  which  hapned  to  them  not 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


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twoo  yeres  past,  as  Mr.  Jenynges  and  Mr.  Smithe, 
the  master  and  master's  mate  of  the  shippe  called 
the  Toby,  belonginge  to  Bristowe,  infourmed  me,  and 
many  of  the  chefcst  merchauntes  of  that  citie,  whereof 
they  had  particuler  advertisement  at  Cadiz  in  Spaine 
a  little  before  by  them  that  were  in  the  same  flete 
the  selfe  same  yere,  and  were  in  person  driven  upon 
the  same  coaste,  and  sawe  the  people,  which  they  re- 
ported to  be  bigge  men,  somewhat  in  makinge  like 
the  Hollanders,  and  lighted  on  a  towne  upon  a  ryvers 
side,  which  they  aihrmcd  to  be  above  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  lengthe.  Besides  the  current,  it  is  also  a 
thinge  withoute  controversie,  that  all  southerne  and 
south  esterne  windes  inforce  the  Spanishe  flete  return- 
inge  home  nere  or  upon  the  aforcsaide  coaste,  and 
consequently  will  bringe  them  into  our  daunger,  after 
wee  shalbe  there  strongly  setled  and  fortified. 

Wee  are  moreover  to  understande  that  the  savages 
of  Florida  are  the  Spaniardes  mortall  enemyes,  and 
wilbe  ready  to  joyne  with  us  againste  them,  as  they 
joyned  with  Capitaine  Gourgues,  a  Gascoigne,  whoe 
beinge  but  a  private  man,  and  goinge  thither  at  his 
owne  chardges,  by  their  aide  wonne  and  rased  the 
three  small  fortes,  which  the  Spaniardes  aboute  xx" 
yeres  agoe  had  planted  in  Florida  after  their  traiter- 
ous  slaughter  of  John  Ribault ;  which  Gourgues 
slewe,  and  hanged  upp  divers  of  them  on  the  same 
trees  whereon  the  yere  before  they  had  hanged  the 
Frenche.  Yea,  one  Holocotcra,  brother  to  one  of  the 
kinges  of  the  savages,  leapingc  upp  on  an  highe 
place,  with  his  owne  handes  slewe  a  Spanishe  canon- 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


47 


ier  as  he  was  puttinge  fire  to  a  peco  of  ordynaunce ; 
which  storye  is  at  large  in  printe  sett  furthe  by  Mon- 
sieur Poplynier  in  his  book  intituled  Trois  Mondes. 

Also,  within  the  lande  on  the  northe  side  of  Nova 
Hispania,  there  is  a  people  called  Chichimici,  which 
arc  bigg  and  stronge  men  and  valiaunte  archers,  which 
have  contynuall  warres  with  the  Spaniardes,  and  doe 
greately  annoye  them.  The  Spanishe  histories  which 
I  have  reade,  and  other  late  discourses,  make  greate 
mention  of  them.  Yea,  Myles  Phillipps,  whoe  was 
xiiij.  yeres  in  those  partes,  and  presented  his  whole 
travell  in  writinge  to  her  Majestic,  confesseth  this  to 
be  moste  certaine. 

Nowe  if  wee  (beinge  thereto  provoked  by  Spanishe 
injuries)  woulde  either  joyne  with  these  savages,  or 
sonde  or  give  them  armor,  as  the  Spaniardes  arme 
our  Irishe  rebells,  wee  shoulde  trouble  the  Kinge  of 
Spaine  more  in  those  partes,  then  he  hath  or  cai> 
trouble  us  in  Ireland,  and  holde  him  at  suche  a  bay  as 
he  was  never  yet  helde  at.  For  if  (as  the  aforesaide 
Miles  Phillipps  writeth)  yt  be  true,  that  one  negro 
which  fledd  from  his  cruell  Spanishe  master  is 
receaved  and  made  capitaine  of  multitudes  of  the 
Chichimici,  and  daily  dothe  grcvously  afflicte  them, 
and  hath  almoste  enforced  them  to  leave  and  abandon 
their  silver  mynes  in  those  quarters,  what  domage 
mighte  divers  hundreds  of  Englishe  men  doe  them, 
beinge  growen  once  into  familiaritie  with  that  valiaunte 
nation. 

And  this  is  the  greatest  feare  that  the  Spaniardes 
have,  to  witt,  our  plantinge  in  those  partes  and  joyn- 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


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inge  with  those  savages,  their  neighbours,  in  Florida, 
and  on  the  northc  side  of  Nova  Hispania.  Which 
thinge  an  Enghshe  gentleman,  Capitaine  MufFett,  whoe 
is  novve  in  Fraunce,  tolde  divers  tymes  this  laste 
winter  in  my  hearinge  and  others  of  credite,  namely, 
that  when  he  was  in  Spaine,  prisoner,  not  longe  since, 
he  hearde  the  threasurer  of  the  West  Indies  say,  that 
there  was  no  suche  way  to  hinder  his  master,  as  to 
plante  upon  the  coaste  nerc  unto  Florida,  from  whence 
by  greate  ryvers  any  man  mighte  casely  passe  farr  upp 
into  the  lande,  and  joyne  with  his  encmyes,  whereof 
he  stoode  in  contynuall  fcare ;  and  said  moreover,  that 
that  was  the  occasion  why  suche  crueltie  was  used 
towardes  John  llibaulte  and  his  companie  upon  his 
seekinge  to  settle  there. 

Fynally,  if  wee  liste  not  to  come  so  nere  Florida, 

this  is  a  matter  of   no  small  momente,  that  if  we 

Thebenefite    fortifio  oursolves  abouto  Cape  Briton,  nere  Newfounde 

ai)(>ute  Capo    land,  partcW  by  the  strengthe  of  our  fortification,  and 

lirvton  or  n  n    m 

Newfounde  partely  by  the  aide  of  our  navye  of  fnshermen,  winch 
are  already  comaunders  of  others  there,  havinge  our 
double  forces  thus  joyned  together,  wee  shalbc  able 
upon  every  soudden  to  cease  upon  one  or  twoo  hun- 
dretli  Spanishe  and  Portingale  shipps,  which  for  tenne 
wcekes  or  three  monethcs  are  there  on  fisshinge  every 
yere.  This  I  say  will  be  suche  a  bridle  to  him  and 
suche  an  advauntage  unto  us,  as  wee  cannot  possibly 
ymagine  a  greater.  And  thus  the  Frenche  served 
them  in  the  time  of  Mounsieurs  beinge  in  Flaundeis, 
caryenge  awaye  oute  of  some  harborowes  three  or 
foure  Spanishe  and  Portingale  shippes  at  ones;   and 


WE8TERNE    FLAMING. 


49 


more  they  wouldc  have  taken,  if  our  Englishmen,  and, 
uanicly,  one  of  myne  acquaintuunce  of  Ratclife,  had 
not  defended  them.  And  hither  of  necessitic  they 
muste  yerely  repaire,  beingc  not  able  to  make  their 
provision  for  land  and  sea  of  fishe  in  any  place  els, 
excepte  on  the  coaste  of  Ireland,  and  at  Cape  Blanckc 
in  Africa,  which  twoo  are  nothinge  worthe  in  com- 
parison of  this  thu'de  place. 

So  shall  wee  be  able  to  crye  quittaunce  with  the 
Kinge  of  Spaine  if  he  shoulde  goe  aboute  to  make 
any  generidl  arreste  of  our  navye,  or  rather  terrific 
him  from  any  such  enterpryse,  when  he  shall  bcthincke 
himself  that  his  navye  in  Newfounde  lande  is  no  lesse 
in  our  duunger,  tlieu  ours  is  in  his  domynions  where- 
soever. 


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60 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Cap.  M.  QTIjflt  tlio  miscliefo  tliat  tlio  Iiidinn  trcftsiire  wronglito  in  time  of 
Cliiirlos  tiic  lato  Einpciror,  fatiier  to  tlio  Spmiisho  kiiiije,  is 
to  be  liad  in  considonition  of  tho  Qiioens  niosto  excellent 
]Muje8tie,  leasto  tho  contynuall  coinyngo  of  tho  like  treasure 
from  thence  to  his  sonne,  worke  tho  unrecoverable  annoye 
of  this  realrae,  whereof  already  wo  have  had  very  daun^er- 
0U8  experience. 

It  is  written  in  the  xxx'l"  article  of  the  discourse 
before  specified,  dedicated  to  the  twoo  youngo  Erles 
of  Emdcn,  as  foUoweth,  verbatim :  With  this  grcate 
treasure  did  not  the  Emperour  Charles  gett  from  the 
French  Kinge  the  Kingdome  of  Naples,  the  Duke- 
dome  of  Myllaine,  and  all  other  his  domynions  in 
Italy,  Lombardy,  Pyemont,  and  Savoye?  With  this 
treasure  did  he  not  take  the  Pope  prisoner,  and  sack 
the  sea  of  Rome  ?  With  this  treasure  did  he  not  take 
the  Frenche  Kinge  prisoner,  and  mayneteyne  all  the 
greate  warres  with  Fraunce  since  the  yere  of  our 
Lorde  1540.to  the  yere  of  our  Lord  1560.  as  is  declared 
in  the  12.and  13.  article  of  his  booke  ?  With  this  treas- 
ure hath  he  not  mayneteyned  many  cities  in  Italic, 
as  well  againste  the  Pope  as  againste  the  Frenr-he 
Kinge,  as  Parma,  Florence,  and  such  other?  With 
this  treasure  did  he  not  overthrowe  the  Duke  of 
Cleave,  and  take  Gilderland,  Groyningelande,  and 
other  domynions  from  him,  which  oughte  to  be  a 
goode  warninge  to  you  all,  as  it  shall  be  most  plainely 


WESTEnNE    PLANTING. 


51 


and  truly  declared  hereafter !  With  this  treasure  did 
he  not  gett  into  his  handes  the  Erldomc  of  Lingen  in 
Westfalia  ?  With  this  treasure  did  he  not  cause  the 
Eric  of  Esones,  your  subject,  to  rebel!  againste  your 
Graces  father  and  againste  you?  The  cause  you  knowc 
best.  And  what  worke  this  treasure  made  amongest  the 
princes  and  townes  in  Germany,  when  the  Duke  of 
Saxony  and  the  Launtzgrave  Van  llessen  were  taken, 
Sleydan,  our  owne  countryman,  by  his  Chronicle 
dcclareth  at  large.  And  did  not  this  treasure,  named 
the  Burgundishe  asse,  walke  and  ronne  in  all  places 
to  make  bothe  warr  and  peace  at  pleasure  i  And 
tookc  he  nothinge  from  the  Emph'c  then  ?  Yes,  truly, 
to  moche,  as  you  shall  heare.  When  the  Emperor 
Charles  was  firste  made  Emperour,  what  were  the 
townes  and  contrics  in  the  Netherlandes  that  justly 
or  properly  came  to  him  by  birthe  and  inhoritaunce  ? 
There  was  Brabant,  Flaunders,  Holland,  Zcland, 
Artoys,  and  Ilenego.  And  yet  there  is  a  greate 
question  concerninge  Holland,  howe  the  Emperour 
Charles  nud  his  progenitors  came  by  yt,  anl  what 
homage  and  duetic  they  oughte  to  doe  for  the  same  ; 
because  thereby  the  house  of  Burgundy  hath  the 
mouthe  of  the  lliver  of  llhenc  at  their  commaundc- 
mentc,  which  is  to  the  greate  losse,  domage,  and  daun- 
ger  of  Germanye,  as  hereafter  shalbe  declared.  Here 
be  all  the  contries  that  belonged  to  the  house  of 
Burgundio  when  the  Emperour  Charles  was  made  Em- 
perour. But  howe  moche  hath  bene  added  to  the 
Netherlandes  since  by  him,  contrary  to  his  oathe  made] 
That  are  these  townes  and  contries,  as  yt  appereth  in 


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52 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


1 

1 

Slcydans  Chronicle  ;  viz.,  Lutzenburge,  Lymcburgo, 
Geldorlande,  the  Erldome  of  Sutphen,  the  Citie  and 
Straite  of  Vtiight,  with  all  the  landes  in  Over  Isel, 
West  Frizeland,  the  Citie  of  Groninge,  and  Groininge 
lande.  And,  as  before  it  is  saied,  he  hath  by  pollicie 
gotten  into  his  handes  the  Erldome  of  Lingen,  stand- 
inge  in  Westfalia  ;  and  by  the  like  pollicie,  with  money, 
he  ie  become  the  defender  of  the  Erledome  of  Esons, 
which  is  parcell  of  your  Graces  countrie  of  East  Frize- 
land. All  these  contries  and  townes,  with  the  treasure 
of  the  Netherlandes,  hath  he  taken  from  the  Empire. 

Thus  farr  proccdetb  this  excellent  man  in  describ- 
inge  howc  Charles  the  Emperour  employed  his  treas- 
ure to  the  afHictinge  and  o})pressiagc  of  moste  of  the 
greatest  estates  of  Christendomc.  The  effecte  of  these 
treasures  which  he  had  oute  of  the  West  Indies, 
Peter  Martir  of  Anglcria,  in  the  epistle  dedicatory  of 
his  Decades  to  the  said  Errperour  Charles,  truly  prog- 
nosticated in  the  begynnynge,  before  hande,  where  he 
writeth  <^hus  unto  him :  Come  therefore  and  embrace 
this  newe  vorlde,  and  suffer  us  no  longer  to  consume 
in  desire  of  your  presence.  From  hence,  from  henc3 
(I  say),  moste  noble  yoo.nge  Prince,  shall  instrumentes 
be  prepared  for  you  whereby  all  the  worlde  slialbe 
under  your  obeysauuce. 

And  in  very  deedc  it  is  moste  apparaunte  that  riches 
are  the  fittest  instrumentes  of  conqueste,  and  that  the 
Emperour  turned  them  to  that  use. 

To  leave  the  father  and  to  come  to  the  sonne,  hath 
KinfreDiii-  not  Kiugc  Plullippe  employed  his  treasure  as  injuri- 
o't?mi'";y  ws    ously  to  all  princes  and  potentates  of  Europe  ?     Is  it 

treasures. 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


53 


not  he  that  with  his  Indian  treasure  corruptc  "■  he  Qubi- 
queviri  in  Portingale,  that  in  the  interregnum  wore 
appointed  overseers  of  the  comon  wealthe,  and  so 
hath  joyned  that  kingdome  to  his,  with  all  the  ilandes, 
townes,  and  domynions  bclonginge  to  that  crowne? 
Is  it  not  he  that  with  his  treasure  hath  gon  aboute  to 
liier  some  ungodlye  murderer  to  m.ake  away  with  Don 
Antonio,  one  while  by  open  proclamation,  and  another 
while  sotto  capo,  under  hande  ?  Is  it  not  ho  that  by 
his  treasure  hatlie  hired  at  sondry  times  the  sonncs  of 
Ecliall  to  bereve  the  Prince  of  Orange  of  his  life  ? 
And  hath  he  not  suborned  by  hope  of  rewarde  other 
moste  ungodly  persons  to  lay  violent  handes  upon 
otl)or  Christian  princes''  Hath  not  he  these  many 
yercs  geven  large  pensions  to  nomber3  of  Englishe 
unnatuvall  rcbelles  ?  Dothe  he  not  supporte  the 
semynaries  of  Rome  and  Ilhemes  to  be  thorncs  in 
the  sides  of  their  owne  comon  wealthes]  Hath  not  he 
divers  tvmes  sente  forren  forces  into  Ireland,  furnished 
with  money,  armor,  munition,  and  victunlls?  Hath 
not  he  sente  rounde  somes  of  money  into  Scotland, 
bothe  to  the  Kingo  and  those  that  are  aboute  him, 
to  alter  the  estate  there  and  to  trouble  euros  ]  And 
is  it  not  knowen  that  this  Spanishe  fsse  rometh  upp 
and  downe  laden  throughe  all  Frauncc,  and,  when  it 
coulde  not  enter  into  the  papistcs  g.ites,  yt  hath 
soughte  to  enter  into  the  courtes  of  the  princes  of  the 
Kolligion,  to  renewe  the  late  intermitted  civile  warres  ? 
What  it  hath  done  and  nowe  dothe  in  all  the  Empire 
and  the  Lowe  Contries,  and  is  like  to  worke  in  other 
places  unlesse  speedy  order  be  taken  to  hinder  it, 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


is  described  at  large  by  Mounsieur  de  Aldegonnde, 
a  Germaine  gentleman,  in  a  pithie  and  moste  earnest 
exhortation  (extant  in  Latine,  Italian,  Frenche,  Eng- 
lishe,  and  Duche)  concerninge  the  estate  of  Chris- 
tendome,  together  with  the  meanes  to  defende  and 
preserve  the  same,  dedicated  to  all  Christian  kinges, 
princes,  and  potentates. 


i 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


55 


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tUI]Clt  speciall  meanes  may  bringe  Kingo  Pliillippe  from  his  higlie     Cap.  VII, 
throne,  aud  make  liim  equall  to  the  princes  his  neighboures ; 
wherewithal!  is  shewed  his  weakenes  in  the  West  Indies. 

SitBtt,  it  is  to  be  considered  that  his  domynions 
and  teiritorics  oute  of  Spaine  lye  fan*  distant  from 
Spaine,  his  chefest  force;  and  farr  distante  one  from 
another ;  and  are  kepte  by  greate  tyrannic  ;  and  quos 
metuunt  oderunt.  And  the  people  kepte  in  subjection 
desire  nothinge  more  then  freedome.  And  like  as  a 
little  passage  given  to  water,  it  maketh  his  owne  way; 
so  give  but  a  small  mcane  to  suche  kepte  in  tyranie, 
they  will  make  their  owne  way  to  libertie ;  which  way 
may  easely  be  made.  And  entringe  into  the  considera- 
tion of  the  way  how  this  Pliillippe  may  be  abased,  I 
mcane  firste  to  begynne  with  the  AVest  Indies,  as 
there  to  laye  a  chefe  foundation  for  his  overthrowe. 
And  like  as  the  foundation  of  the  strongest  holde 
undormyned  and  removed,  the  mightiest  and  strongest 
wallcs  fall  flatt  to  the  earthe ;  so  this  prince,  spoiled 
or  intercepted  for  a  while  of  his  treasure,  occasion  by 
lacke  of  the  same  is  geven  that  all  his  territories  in 
Europe  oute  of  Spaine  slide  from  him,  and  the  Moores 
enter  into  Spaine  it  selfe,  and  the  people  revolte  in 
every  forrein  territorie  of  his,  and  cutt  the  throates  of 
the  proude  hatefull  Spaniardes,  their  governours.  For 
this  Phillippe  already  owinge  many  millions,  and  of 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


late  ycrcs  empaired  in  credite,  bothe  by  lacke  of 
abilitie  of  longe  tyme  to  pay  the  same,  and  by  his 
shameful  losse  of  his  Spaniardes  and  dishonors  in  the 
Lowe  Gentries,  and  by  lacke  of  the  yerely  renewe  of 
his  revenewe,  he  shall  not  be  able  to  wage  his 
severall  garrisons  kepte  in  his  severall  frontiers,  terri- 
tories, and  places,  nor  to  corrupte  in  princes  courtes, 
nor  to  doe  many  feates.  And  this  weyed,  wee  are  to 
knowe  what  Phillip  ys  in  the  West  Indies  ;  and  that 
wee  be  not  abused  with  Spanish  braggs,  and  made  to 
beleve  what  he  is  not ;  and  so,  drawcn  into  vain  fcare, 
suffer  fondly  and  childishly  our  owne  utter  spoile. 
And  therefore  wee  are  to  understande  that  Phillippe 
rather  governeth  in  the  West  Indies  by  opinion,  then 
by  mighte  ;  ffor  the  small  manred  of  Spainc,  of  itself 
beinge  alwaycs  at  the  best  slenderly  peopled,  was 
never  able  to  rule  so  many  regions,  or  to  kepe  in  sub- 
jection such  worldes  of  people  as  be  there,  were  it  not 
for  the  error  of  the  Indian  people,  that  thincke  he  is 
that  he  is  not,  and  that  doe  ymagine  that  Phillippe 
hath  a  thousande  Spaniardes  for  every  single  naturall 
subjccte  that  he  hath  there.  And  like  as  the  Romaynes, 
allured  hither  into  Britaine,  porced  the  Hand,  and 
planted  here  and  there  in  the  mouthes  of  rivers  and 
upon  straites,  and  kepte  colonies,  as  at  Westchester 
upon  the  River  of  Dee,  at  York  upon  the  River  of 
Owse,  and  upon  the  Rivers  of  Thames  and  Severne, 
and  yet  in  truthe  never  enioyed  more  of  the  contries 
rounde  aboute  then  the  Englishe,  planted  at  Bulloine 
and  Calicc,  did  of  the  Frenche  soile  adjoyninge,  nor  in 
effecte  had  the  Brittishe  nation  at  comaundement ;  even 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


57 


so  hath  the  Spaniarde  perced  the  Indies,  and  planted 
here  and  there  very  thinlye  and  slenderlyc,  witho;ite 
havinge  the  Indian  multitude  in  subjection,  or  in  their 
townes  and  fortes  any  nomber  to  holde  any  of  them 
againste  the  meanest  force  of  a  prince  ;  so  as  in  truthe 
the  Spaniarde  ys  very  weake  there.  And  it  is  knowen 
to  Sir  Fraunces  Drake,  and  to  ]Mr.  Hawkins,  and 
Miles  Phillipps  (which  Miles  lyved  xiiij.  yeres  in  Nova 
Spania),  and  to  dyvcrs  others  of  her  Majesties  sub- 
jectcs  besides  that  have  been  there,  that  the  ilandes 
there  abounde  with  people  and  nations  that  rejecte 
the  proude  and  bluddv  government  of  the  Spaniarde, 
and  that  doe  mortally  hate  the  Spaniarde.  And  they 
also  knowe  that  the  Moores,  and  suche  as  the  Span- 
iardcs  have  broughte  thither  for  the  mynes  and  for 
slavery,  have  fledd  from  them  into  the  inlandes,  and  of 
them  selves  maineteine  in  many  places  frontier  warres 
againste  the  Spaniarde,  and  many  tymes  so  prevaile, 
and  especially  of  late,  that  the  Spaniardes  have 
bene  inforced  to  sonde  the  Spanishe  marchauntes 
them  selves  into  the  warres,  althoughe  yt  be  againste 
the  special  privledges  graunted  by  Charles,  the  late 
Empcrour,  to  the  marchauntes,  as  may  plainely  appere 
by  Spanishe  marchauntes  letters  taken  by  Sir  Fraunces 
Drake  passinge  in  the  sea  of  Sur  towarde  Panama,  to 
be  conveyed  into  Spaine.  And  it  is  thoughte  that  Sir 
Fraunces  Drake  and  some  other  Englishe  are  of 
so  greate  credite  with  the  Symerons  and  with  those 
that  mayneteyne  those  frontier  warrs,  that  he  mighte, 
bringinge  thither  a  fewe  capitaines  and  some  of  our 
meaner  souldiers  late  trayned  in  the  Base  Gentries, 


!"|lf 

•1         : 

1            ' 

'i 

1 1 
1 1 


II 


c 


»> 


■u^ 


m  . 


M 


M 


58 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


iii 


'it 


with  archers  and  lighte  furniture,  &c.,  bringe  to  passe 
that,  joyninge  with  those  inland  people,  Kinge  Phil- 
lippe  mighte  cither  be  deprived  of  his  governemente 
there,  or  at  the  leaste  of  the  takinge  of  his  yerely 
benefite  of  the  mynes.  Thus  with  small  chardgc  and 
fewe  men,  nowe  and  then  renewinge  this  matter  by  a 
few  sailes  to  be  sent  thither  for  the  comforte  of  suche 
as  shalbe  there  resident,  and  for  the  incouragemente 
of  the  Symerons,  greater  effecte  may  followe  then  by 
meetinge  with  his  golden  flcte,  or  by  takinge  of  his 
treasures  once  or  twisc  at  the  sea  ;  for  by  this  meanes, 
or  by  a  platforme  well  to  be  sett  downe,  England  may 
enjoye  the  benefite  of  the  Indian  mynes,  or  at  the 
leaste  kepe  Phillippe  from  possessinge  the  same. 

Hereunto  yf  wee  adde  our  purposed  westerne  dis- 
coveries, and  there  plante  and  people  ryally,  and  for- 
tifie  strongly,  and  there  builde  shippes  and  maineteine 
a  navy  in  special  porte  or  portes,  wee  may  by  the  same 
either  encounter  the  Indian  fleete,  or  be  at  hande  as 
it  were  to  yelde  freshe  supplye,  courage,  and  comforte, 
by  men  or  munition,  to  the  Chichimici  and  the  Syme- 
rons and  suche  other  as  shalbe  incited  to  the  spoile 
of  the  mynes  ;  which  in  tyme  will,  if  it  be  not  looked 
to,  bringe  all  princes  to  weake  estate,  that  Phillippe, 
either  for  relligion  or  other  cause,  dothe  hate ;  as  the 
aforesaide  Monsieur  de  Aldegond,  in  his  pithie  and 
moste  earneste  exhortation  to  all  Christian  kinges, 
princes,  and  potentates  to  beware  of  Kinge  Phillipps 
ambitious  growinge,  dothe  wisely  and  moste  provi- 
dently forwame. 

To  this  may  be  added  (the  realme  swarming  with 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


59 


lustie  youthes  that  be  turned  to  no  profitable  use), 
there  may  be  scnte  bandes  of  them  into  the  Base  Con- 
tries  in  more  rounde  nombers  then  are  sente  as  yet. 
lYor  if  he  presently  prevaile  there,  at  our  doores, 
farewell  the  traficque  that  els  wee  may  have  there 
(whereof  wise  men  can  say  moche).  And  if  he  settle 
there,  then  let  the  realme  saye  adewe  to  her  quiet 
state  and  safetie. 

If  these  enter  into  the  due  consideration  of  wise 
men,  and  if  platformos  of  these  thinges  be  sett  downe 
and  executed  duelye  and  with  spede  and  efFecte,  no 
doubte  but  the  Spanishe  empire  falles  to  the  grounde, 
and  the  Spanishe  kinge  shall  be  lefte  bare  as  Aesops 
proude  crowe ;  the  peacocke,  the  perot,  the  pye,  and 
the  popingey,  and  every  other  birde  havinge  taken 
home  from  him  his  gorgeous  fethers,  he  will,  in 
shorte  space,  become  a  laughinge  stocke  for  all  the 
worlde ;  with  such  a  mayme  to  the  Pope  and  to  that 
side,  as  never  hapned  to  the  sea  of  Rome  by  the 
practise  of  the  late  Kinge  of  famous  memory,  her  Ma- 
jesties father,  or  by  all  the  former  practises  of  all  the 
Protestant  princes  of  Germanic,  or  by  any  other 
advise  layde  downe  by  Monsieur  de  Aldegond,  here 
after  by  them  to  be  put  in  execution.  If  you  touche 
him  in  the  Indies,  you  touche  the  apple  of  his  eye ; 
for  take  away  his  treasure,  which  is  nenms  belli,  and 
which  he  hath  almoste  oute  of  his  West  Indies,  his 
olde  bandes  of  souldiers  will  soone  be  dissolved,  his 
purposes  defeated,  his  power  and  strengthe  dimin- 
ished, his  pride  abated,  and  his  tyranie  utterly  sup- 
pressed. 


i  I 


» > 


<: 


c 


il 


m 
« 

« 


8» 


60 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Cap.  VIII.  (2[!l]CU  the  lymites  of  the  Kiiigo  of  Spuinos  flomynions  in  the  "West 
Indies  be  notliingo  so  largo  as  is  generally  ymagined  and 
surmized,  neither  those  partes  wliieh  he  holdeth  ho  of  any 
such  forces  as  is  fal.sly  geven  oute  by  the  Popisho  clergie 
and  others  his  fautors,  to  territie  the  princes  of  tlie  relligiun 
and  to  abuse  and  blynde  them. 

^S  tfjC  Secretary  of  Don  /Vntonio,  Kingc  of  Portin- 
gale,  called  Custodio  Etan,  toldc  me  lately  at  Paris, 
that  the  Portingales  never  had  in  Guinea,  Bresill,  and 
all  the  Easte  Indies  above  twelve  thonsande  Portin- 
gale  souldiers  whensoever  they  had  moste,  which  was 
confirmed  by  one  of  the  Kinges  capitaincs  borne  in 
Goa,  then  presente ;  and  that  they  governed  rather  by 
gevinge  oute  of  greate  rumors  of  power  and  by  secre- 
cie,  then  by  any  greate  force  which  they  had  in  deedc ; 
so  the  like  is  to  be  proved  of  the  Kinge  of  Spaine  in 
his  West  Indies ;  ffor  he  beinge  in  those  partes  ex- 
cedinge  weake  hath  nothinge  such  nombers  of  people 
there  as  is  geven  oute,  neither  doe  his  domynions 
stretche  so  far  as  by  the  ignoraunte  ys  ymagined ; 
which  hereby  easely  may  appere,  seinge  he  hath  no 
one  towne  or  forte  in  actuall  possession  in  all  Nova 
Hispania  to  the  northe  of  the  Tropick  of  Cancer, 
which  standeth  in  'J3.  degrees  and  an  halfe,  excepte 
the  towne  of  St.  Helen  and  one  or  twoo  small  fortes 
in  Florida  ;  ffor  as  it  is  in  the  mappe  of  Culiacan,  sett 
oute  twoo  yeres  paste  with  all  diligence  by  Ortelius, 


II 


"m 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


61 


Saiuctc  Michael  ys  the  furthest  townc  nothwarde  on 
the  backside  of  America,  and  Panuco  and  Villa 
Sancti  Jacobi  are  the  moste  northerly  colonies  upon 
the  Bay  of  Mexico  that  the  Spaniardcs  inhabite ;  as 
the  aforcsaide  Ortelius  witncsseth  in  his  mapp  of 
those  i)artcs  sett  oute  this  prcsente  yere,  1584  ;  which 
three  towncs  above  named  are  under  or  within  the 
Tropicke  of  Cancer.  And  so  the  Kinge  of  Spaine 
liath  no  footinge  bevonde  the  said  troi)icke ;  which  is 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  the  vulgar  sorte,  which 
ymagine,  and  by  some  are  borne  in  handc,  that  all  is 
his  from  the  equinoctiall  as  farr  as  the  landc  stretch- 
eth  towardes  tlie  pooles. 

Againe,  that  parte  from  the  equinoctiall  to  the 
southe  ys  not  inhabited  by  the  Spaniarde  any  further 
then  unto  the  Tropicke  of  Capricorne,  as  ys  to  be 
scene  by  the  mappe  of  Peru  this  presente  yere,  1584. 
published  by  Ortelius ;  neither  is  it  peopled  by  the 
Spaniardes  to  any  purpose  savinge  oncly  alonge  the 
sea  coaste.  And  howe  weake  they  are  there,  and 
what  simple  shippinge  they  have,  and  howe  daily 
they  be  afflicted  by  tlie  inhabitauntes.  Sir  Fraunces 
Drake  can  tell,  and  the  letters  by  him  intercepted  doe 
declare.  One  Peter  Benzo  de  INlillano,  which  was 
fourtene  yeres  in  those  partes,  writeth,  that  they 
holde  greate  townes,  some  with  tcnne,  some  with  sixe, 
some  with  foure,  and  some  with  twoo  souldiers,  and 
that  they  comaunded  that  all  the  Italians,  whome  they 
called  Levantines  in  contempte,  shoulde  dcparte  those 
contries,  fearinge  they  shoulde  reveale  their  nakednes 
to  the  worlde,  and  encourage  others  to  sett  in  foot- 
inge there. 


'tij 


;' 


m 

M 

m 

? 

•I 

« 


pr 


62 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNINO 


l!H    11  )' 


N 


tl 


« 


The  example 
of  Autigonus. 


Seinge  then  they  suffer  no  people  of  Europe  to  in- 
habite  there  savinge  onely  Spauiardes,  any  reasonable 
man  that  knowcth  the  barcnes,  desolation,  and  wantc 
of  men  in  Spainc,  together  with  these  eightene  yores 
civill  warres  that  hath  wasted  so  many  thousandes  of 
them  in  the  Lowe  Gentries,  muste  nodes  confosse 
that  they  have  very  simple  forces  there.  The  prov- 
inces which  he  holdcth  are  indeedo  many,  yet  more 
denuded  than  ever  was  any  empire  since  the  creation 
of  the  worlde.  Some  of  his  contrics  are  dis])eopled, 
some  barron,  some  so  far  asondcr,  also  hcldc  by  ty- 
ranie,  that  in  dccde  upon  the  due  consideration  of  the 
matter,  his  mighte  and  grcatcncs  is  not  suche  as  prima 
facie  yt  may  seme  to  be.  And  wearc  yt  not  that  he 
doth  possesse  suche  a  masse  of  treasure  oute  of  the 
Indies,  -the  Frenche  kinge,  of  one  onely  kingdome, 
with  his  onely  people  of  Fraunce,  were  able  to  drive 
him  oute  of  all  his  domynions  that  he  hath  in  the 
worlde. 

It  is  written  that  Antigonus,  beinge  to  fighte 
againste  certaine  of  his  enemyes,  they  appered  a  farr 
of  to  be  so  huge  and  mightie,  that  his  souldiers  were 
halfe  afraied  to  encounter  them ;  but,  beinge  incour- 
aged  by  his  valour,  they  eascly  overthrewe  them  in  a 
conflicte ;  whereof  he  stripped  one  or  twoo,  which, 
beinge  turned  oute  of  their  bombasted  and  large 
apparcll,  were  in  deede  but  very  weakclingcs  and 
shrimpes  ;  which,  when  he  had  shewed  unto  his  soul- 
diers, they  were  ashamed  of  themselves  that  ever 
they  had  bene  afraied  of  suche  wretches.  So  when 
wee  shall  have  looked  and  narrowly  pried  into  the 


WESTERN^    TLANTINO. 


68 


S|)anishe  forces  in  America,  wee  shalbe  doubtles 
asluimcd  of  ourselves,  that  wee  have  all  this  while 
bene  afraied  of  those  dissemblinge  and  fcble  scarr 
Crowes. 

This  which  I  say  concerninge  the  weakonos  of  the 
Spaniardes  in  America  may  more  easelie  appcre  by 
this  note  followinge,  gathered  by  an  excellent  Frencho 
capitaine  moste  expcrte  and  privie  to  the  state  and 
force  of  the  islandcs,  havens,  townes,  and  fortes  of  all 
that  parte  of  America  which  lieth  upon  our  ocean ; 
which  cxccdinge  large  coastc  beinge  so  rarely  and 
eimply  manned  and  fortified,  wee  may  well  assure  our- 
selves that  the  inlande  is  moche  more  weake  and 
unmanned. 


m 


<! 


ir; 


f 


1  fi'N' 


64 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Cap.  IX.  (J|)C  mimes  of  tlio  rlclic  towncs  licngc  nlonjic  tho  sea  coasto  on  tlio 
north  sitle  from  tho  eciiunoctiall  of  tho  muyuo  luiido  of 
Amkkica  uudor  tho  Ki'igo  of  Spaiue. 


1.  (Ducr  a^iiiustc  the  ilaiide  of  Miirgaritu  there  is 
a  townc  called  Cumana,  wherein  is  groato  store  of 
perle.  There  bo  divers  boates  belongingc  to  the 
towne,  which  onely  dragge  perlus.  This  townc  is  the 
farthest  eastwardc  which  the  kinge  hath  on  the  north 
side  of  India.  It  is  environed  with  their  eneinycs, 
viz.,  the  Indyans  and  Caribes.  The  victualls  come 
from  this  towne  to  Margarita. 

2.  The  next  towne  westwarde  is  Carakas,  which  is 
very  riche  of  golde.  This  towne  standeth  upon  the 
sea,  and  hHh  some  victualls,  but  not  plentie,  and  is 
environed  likewise  with  the  Indians,  their  mortall 
enemyes. 

3.  The  towne  Burborowate  was  destroyed  by  50. 
Frenchemen,  and  the  treasure  taken  awaye. 

4.  The  nexte  towne  to  the  westwarde  is  called 
Coro,  which  hath  greate  plentie  of  golde  and  victualls. 
This  standeth  upon  the  sea.  This  is  a  civill  contrio, 
and  some  of  the  Indians  broughte  to  a  civill  gov- 
ernemente. 

5.  At  Rio  de  Ilacha  there  is  a  towne  called  Ilacha, 
where  is  greate  store  of  perle  and  silver,  but  no  goldo  ; 
and  not  farr  from  thence  there  is  a  perle  house. 


WF.STEUNE    TLANTINO. 


65 


Tliprc  is  plcntie  of  victiialls,  the  contric  civ  ill,  and 
some  of  the  Indians  at  the  Spaniardcs  coinaunde- 
nu'ut.  Mr.  John  Hawkins  told  mo  ho  won  this 
townc,  and  was  niastor  of  yt  three  daies,  in  his  lastc 
voyadge. 

(i.  Further  westwardc  is  a  towne  called  StT  !Maren, 
alias  Marta,  where  is  grcate  store  of  golde,  but  little 
victualls.  This  is  envyroned  with  Indians,  enemies 
to  the  Spaniardcs. 

7.  The  nexte  townc  is  Carthagena,  where  is  grcate 
store  of  silver,  golde,  and  precious  stone.  This  towne 
hath  a  nombcr  of  Indians  and  Symcrons  to  their  ene- 
inycs.     There  is  also  grcate  store  of  victualls. 

S.  The  n<  \tc  towhe  thereunto  is  Nombro  di  Dies. 
To  this  townt  )meth  all  the  golde,  pcrlc,  stone,  and 
Jewells  that  aeth  from  Chile,  Peru,  and  Panama 
cute  of  the  Southc  Sea.  To  this  townc  cometh  halfe 
the  flccte,  which  taketh  in  halfe  their  treasure,  and 
goeth  to  Havana,  and  so  throughe  the  Gulfe  of  Ba- 
hama unto  the  Ilandcs  of  Corvo,  Flores,  and  the 
Azores,  and  from  thence  into  Spainc,  This  towne 
hath  no  victualls  bv.*"  suche  as  cometh  from  Panama 
and  tlic  ilandcs  by  sea.  By  this  towne  is  a  gulfe 
called  Gulnata,  where  the  Symcrons  and  Indians  have 
oertaine  towncs,  and  kcpe  warrcs  dayly  witli  the 
Spaniardcs  as  well  as  the  Indians.  At  the  southcndc 
of  the  gulfe  there  is  not  paste  five  Icgucs  over  lande 
into  the  South  Sea. 

9.  The  nextc  towne  is  called  Vraga,  alias  Var, 
wlierc  is  mochc  golde  and  small  store  of  victualls. 
This  is  a  civill  contric  nere  to  the  towne  ;  the  nexte  is 
Nicaragua. 


m 
m 

M 


•I 
I* 


rrr 


66 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


10.  At  Nicaragua  is  mocho  golde  that  corneth 
cute  of  the  Southe  Sea,  and  there  is  the  place  where 
they  make  their  frigotts.  There  ys  little  victuulls ; 
the  people  are  civill. 

11.  In  the  Bay  of  Ilondoras  is  a  townc  called  Ilon- 
doras,  alias  Tres  Islas,  where  is  golde  and  hides  and 
greate  store  of  victualls.  This  towne  standeth  njion 
an  hill  very  strongly,  and  is  but  simply  manned.  This 
townc  hath  within  a  mile  greate  plcntie  of  Indians, 
which  are  at  warr  with  the  Spaniardes. 

12.  Then  is  there  a  towne  called  Porto  de  Caval- 
los,  where  is  store  of  silver,  stones,  perles,  and  Jewells 
made  and  sett  with  precious  stones  and  perles.  To 
this  towne  come  yerely  twoo  shippes,  that  goe  from 
thence  to  the  Havana,  and  so  into  Spaine  with  all  their 
riches.  This  towne  is  full  of  victualls.  This  porte 
of  Cavallos  adjoyneth  to  the  Gulfc  Dowse. 

13.  All  the  Bay  of  Mexico  is  full  of  Indian  townes 
and  full  of  victualls.  There  is  one  towne  named 
"N^cra  Crux,  to  which  towne  cometh  all  their  treasure 
from  the  citie  of  ]\[cxico,  and  from  thence  to  the  porte 
o^  St.  John  do  VUoa.  from  thence  to  Havana,  and  so 
into  Spayne. 


FLORIDA. 

In  Florida  the  Spaniardes  have  one  towne,  called 
Sancta  Helena,  where  they  have  perles,  silver,  and 
greate  store  of  victualls.  The  Floridians  be  a  gentle 
Borte  ol  people,  and  use  somtymes  to  heade  their 
arrowes  with  silver. 


iriMMI 


! 


"WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


67 


There  is  one  principall  place  called  Eio  de  Jordan, 
alias  Rio  de  Maio,  where,  in  an  iland,  standeth  a  forte 
which  was  Ribaults ;  which  river  ronneth  thronghe  the 
lande  into  the  Southe  Sea,  from  whence  greate  plentie 
of  treasure  is  broughte  thither.  There  are  small 
pynnesses  that  use  the  same  river.  It  is  also  thoughte 
that  shippes  come  from  Cathaio  to  the  southwest  cnde 
of  the  said  river.  This  is  very  full  of  victualls. 
There  was  by  Peter  Meland?  a  river  cutt  from  the  a  speciaii 
Citic  of  Mexico  to  llio  de  Maio,  so  that  moche  treasure  sage, 
is  broughte  from  thence  to  this  foite  with  small  pyn- 
nesses. 

All  that  parte  of  America  eastwarde  from  Cumana 
mito  the  River  of  St.  Augustine  in  Bresill,  contcyneth 
in  length  alongcst  to  the  sea  side  xxj.  C.  miles,  in 
wliiche  compasse  and  track  there  is  neither  Spaniarde, 
Portingale,  nor  any  Christian  man,  but  onely  the 
Caribes,  Indians,  and  saluages.  In  which  places  is 
greate  plentie  of  golde,  perle,  and  precious  stones. 

On  the  coaste  of  Bresill  is  one  goodly  ile  called 
Trinidada,  conteyninge  C.  xx*.'  miles  in  lengthe,  and 
Ixxv.  miles  in  bredthe,  and  is  onely  inhabited  by 
gentle  Indians  and  savages  borne  in  the  said  ilande. 
Ill  this  ilande  is  greate  plentie  of  maiz,  venison,  fislie, 
wooddes,  and  grasse,  with  divers  fairc  frutes  and  other 
comodities.  Yt  hath  also  divers  goodly  havens  to 
liavborowe  yn,  and  greate  stoaro  of  tymbcr  for  build- 
inge  of  shippes.  With  the  kinge  of  this  ilande  wee  The  Frcnche. 
are  in  league. 


Wff 


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1 1 

1 1 


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wn- 


68 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


f- 


Cap.  X.  ^  brcfc  declaration  of  the  chefo  ilandes  in  the  Baye  of  Mexico, 
beiiige  under  the  Kuige  of  Spaine,  with  their  havens  and 
fortes,  and  what  comodities  they  yelde. 


'i!t\)tXt  ys  one  ilandc,  as  the  flcete  cometh  into  the 
baye,  named  Mtivgarita,  Avhcrein  is  grcate  store  of 
perle ;  a  riche  ilande  full  of  maiz  (which  is  their  come), 
oxen,  shepe,  goates,  fowle  and  fishe,  greate  store  of 
frutes,  grasse  and  woods. 

Ouer  againste  the  said  iland,  northewarde,  there  is 
one  other  iland  named  St.  John  de  Porto  Ricco,  which 
hath  store  of  all  manner  of  victualls  and  suger. 

The  nexte  is  a  faire  iland  called  Hispaniola,  in  some 
parte  well  inhabited  ;  havinge  one  citie  called  Sancto 
Domingo,  which  hath  a  faire  haven  whereunto  many 
of  the  shippes  of  the  Kinges  fleete  come,  and  thcro 
devide  themselves.  Some  goe  to  St.  John  de  Leu, 
and  some  to  Nombro  di  Dies  and  other  partes  of  the 
mayne  lande.  This  is  a  frutefull  iland  for  all  manner 
of  victuall,  hides  and  suger. 

The  nexte  ilande  is  called  Jamaica,  and  hath  in  it 
greate  store  of  victualls. 

The  nexte  is  a  faire,  greate,  and  longe  iland,  called 
Cuba.  This  iland  hath  a  forte  and  haven  in  it  called 
the  Havana,  which  is  the  key  of  all  India.  It  is  called 
the  key  of  India,  for  that  the  Spaniardes  cannot  well 
returne  into  Spaine  but  that  they  muste  touche  there 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


69 


' 


for  victualls,  water,  woodde,  and  other  necessaries. 
It  lioth  at  the  mouthe  and  entraunce  into  the  Gulfe  of 
Bahama.  This  ilande  hath  greate  plentie  of  \ictualls, 
hut  it  is  not  grcately  inhabited. 

There  be  divers  other  ihandes,  riche  for  victualls, 
as  Aeriaba,  Corsal,  Marigalante,  &c.,  havinge  not  in 
them  some  xx.  some  x.  Spaniardes  a  pece. 

Thus  you  see  that  in  all  those  infinite  ilandes  in  the 
Gulfe  of  Mexico,  whereof  Cuba  and  Hispaniola  are 
thouglite  to  be  very  nere  as  bigge  as  England  and 
Ireland,  wee  reade  not  of  past  twoo  or  three  places 
well  fortified,  as  St.  Sancto  Domingo  in  Hispaniola, 
and  Havana  in  Cuba.  I  may  therefore  conclude  this 
matter  with  comparinge  the  Spaniardes  unto  a  drone, 
or  an  emptie  vessell,  which  when  it  is  smitten  upon 
yeldcth  a  greate  and  terrible  sounde,  and  that  afiirr  of ; 
but  come  nere  and  looke  into  them,  there  ys  nothinge 
in  them  ;  or  rather  like  unto  the  asse  which  wrapte 
himselfe  in  a  lyons  skynne,  and  marched  farr  of  to 
strike  terror  into  the  hartes  of  the  other  beastes,  but 
when  the  foxe  drewe  nere  he  perceaved  his  longe 
eares,  and  made  him  a  jeste  unto  all  the  beastes  of 
the  forrest.  In  like  manner  wee  (upon  pcrill  of  my 
hfe)  shall  make  the  Spaniarde  ridiculous  to  all 
Europe,  if  with  percinge  eyes  wee  see  into  his  con- 
temptible weakenes  in  the  West  Indies,  and  with  true 
stile  painte  hym  oute  ad  mmim  unto  the  worlde  in  his 
fainte  colours. 

And  if  any  man  woulde  objccte,  that  if  by  his  weake- 
nes he  had  loste  the  treasure  of  the  West  Indies,  yet 
the  riches  of  the  Easte  Indies  woulde  holde  upp  his 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


heade ;  I  answer,  that  those  contries  beinge  so  farr 
of,  and  suche  naturall  malice  beinge  betweene  the 
Portingale  and  the  Spaniarde,  as  greater  cannot  be, 
that  it  is  not  possible  for  him  to  holde  those  partes 
no  more  than  the  other,  wantinge  the  treasure  of  the 
West  Indies  to  supporte  his  garrisons  both  there  and 
in  Christendome  againste  his  manifolde  and  mightie 
enemyes. 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


71 


I  i ''  ^'  I 


i      : 


(Iljat  tlie  .Spaniardes  have  exercised  moste  outragious  and  more 
then  Turkishe  cruelties  in  all  the  West  Indies,  whereby 
they  are  every  where  there  become  moste  odious  unto  them, 
whoe  woulde  joyne  with  us  or  any  other  moste  willinglye 
to  shake  of  their  moste  intollerable  yoke,  and  have  begonne 
to  doe  yt  already  in  divers  places  where  they  were  lordea 
heretofore. 

$0  lUclUg  and  so  monstrous  have  bene  the  Span- 
ishe  cruelties,  suche  straunge  slaughters  and  murders 
of  those  peaceable,  lowly,  milde,  and  gentle  people, 
together  with  the  spoiles  of  townes,  provinces,  and 
kingdonies,  which  have  bene  moste  ungodly  perpe- 
trated in  the  West  Indies,  as  also  divers  others  no 
Icsse  terrible  matters,  that  to  describe  the  leaste  parte 
of  them  woulde  require  more  then  one  chapiter, 
especially  where  there  are  whole  bookes  extant  in 
printc,  not  onely  of  straungers,  but  also  even  of  their 
owne  contrymcn  (as  of  Bartholmewe  de  las  Casas,  a 
bisshoppe  in  Nova  Spania) ;  yea  suche  and  so  pass- 
iiige  straunge  and  excedinge  all  humanitie  and  mod- 
eration have  they  bene,  that  the  very  rehersall  of 
them  drave  divers  of  the  cruel  Spanishe,  which  had 
not  bene  in  the  West  Indies,  into  a  kinde  of  extasye 
and  maze,  so  that  the  sayenge  of  the  poet  miglite 
therein  well  be  verified :  — 

Qnis  talia  fando, 
Myrmidonum  Dolopninuc  aut  duri  niilcs  Vlissis, 
Toinpurct  a  ladiriniis  ? 


Cap.  XI. 


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72 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Nevertheless  I  will  repeate  oute  of  that  mightie 
masse  and  huge  heape  of  massacres  some  fewe,  that 
of  them  you  may  make  an  estymate  of  the  rest,  and 
consider  what  cause  the  small  remainder  of  those 
moste  afflicted  Indians  have  to  revolte  from  the  obe- 
dience of  the  Spaniardes,  and  to  shake  of  from  their 
shoulders  the  moste  intollerable  and  insupportable 
yoke  of  Spaine,  which  in  many  places  they  have 
already  begonne  to  do  of  themselves,  withoute  the 
helpe  of  any  Christian  prynce. 

This  being«  so,  I  leave  i\  to  the  depeVonsideratii  n 
ofVythe  wise,  \Viat  greate  matters  may  V?  broughte 
aboVte  by  ourViation,  if  l\r  Majestic  Vbeinge  a 
mighVe  prince  at  Va)  woulde  ]\t  in  a  footV  in  that 
enterprise,  and  assXte  the  revolted  Indians ,\Sy me- 
lons, an\  Chichimici^fter  one  oiVwoo  yeres  Vant- 
and  c:rowiu":e  into  ac\uaintaunce  \nd 
familiaritie  Nvith  those  oViressed  nations. 

Nowe  because  these  moste  outeragious  and  infinite 
massacres  are  put  downe  by  Don  Bartholmewe  de  las 
Casas,  the  bisshoppe  above  mentioned,  and  dedicated 
to  Kinge  Phillippe  that  nowe  ys,  which  author  testi- 
fieth  that  to  his  inspeakeable  grcfe  he  was  an  eye  wit- 
nesse  of  many  of  them,  therefore  it  semeth  best  unto 
me  to  bringe  him  in,  which  in  his  firste  chapiter  de- 
scribeth  the  same  in  manner  followinge :  — 

Upon  these  lambcs  (meaninge  the  Indians),  so 
mekc,  so  qualified  and  endowed  of  their  Maker  and 
Creator,  as  hath  bene  said,  entred  the  Spanishe, 
incontinent,  as  they  knew  them,  as  wolves,  as  lyons, 
and  as  tigres  moste  cruell,  of  longe  tyme  famished ; 


'wpii* "  mi 


m 


WESTERNE   TLANTING. 


73 


de- 


and  have  not  don  in  those  quarters  these  forty  ycres 
be  paste,  neither  yet  doe  at  this  presente,  onghte  els 
then  teare  them  in  peces,  kill  them,  martir  them, 
afflicte  them,  tormente  them,  and  destroye  them  by 
straunge  sortes  of  cruelties,  never  either  seene  or 
rcade  or  hearde  of  the  like  (of  the  which  some  shal- 
be  sett  downe  hereafter) ;  so  farr  forth e  as  of  above 
three  millions  of  soules  that  were  in  the  He  of  His- 
paniola,  and  that  wee  have  seene  there,  there  are  not 
nowe  twoo  hundreth  natives  of  the  contrie.  The  He 
of  Cuba,  which  is  as  farr  in  lengthe  as  from  Valla- 
dolid  untill  Home,  ys  at  this  day,  as  it  were,  all 
waste.  St.  John's  He,  and  that  of  Jummaica,  bothe 
of  them  very  greate,  very  fertile,  and  very  f\iire,  are 
desolate.  Likewise  the  lies  of  Lucayos  nere  to  the 
He  of  Hispaniola,  and  of  the  north  side  unto  that  of 
Cuba,  in  nomber  beinge  above  three  score  ilandes, 
together  with  thoLio  which  they  call  the  Isles  of 
Geant,  one  with  another  gveate  and  little,  whereof 
the  very  worste  is  fertiler  then  the  kingcs  garden  at 
Civill,  and  the  contrie  the  hclthsomest  in  the  worlde. 
There  w'ere  in  some  of  these  isles  more  then  five 
hundred  thorisande  soules,  and  at  this  day  there  is 
not  one  only  creature  ;  for  they  have  bene  all  of  them 
slaine,  after  th^t  they  had  drawen  them  oute  to  labor 
in  their  mynenlls  in  the  He  of  PHspaniola,  where 
there  were  no  more  lefte  of  the  inborne  natives  of 
that  iland.  A  shippe  ridinge  for  the  space  of  three 
yercs  betwixte  all  these  ilandes,  to  the  ende  that  after 
the  wyninge  of  this  kinde  of  vintage  to  gleane  and 
cull  the  remainder  of  these  folke  (for  there  was  a 

10 


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DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


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goodd  Christian  moved  with  pitie  and  compassion  to 
convcrte  and  wynne  unto  Christe  suche  as  mighte 
be  founde),  there  were  not  found  but  eleven  persons, 
which  I  sawe.  Other  iles,  more  then  thirtie,  nere  to 
the  He  of  St.  John,  have  likewise  bene  dispeopled 
and.  massacred.  All  those  iles  conteyne  above  twoo 
thousande  leagues  of  lande,  and  are  all  dispeopled 
and  laid  waste. 

As  touchinge  the  mayne  firme  lande,  wee  are 
certaine  that  our  Spaniardes,  by  their  cruelties  and 
cursed  doinges,  have  dispeopled  and  made  desolate 
more  then  tenne  realmes  greater  then  all  Spaine, 
comprisinge  therein  also  Arragon  and  Portingale ; 
and  twise  as  moche  or  more  lande  then  there  is  from 
Civill  to  Jerusalem,  which  are  above  a  thousand 
leagues  ;  which  realmes  as  yet,  unto  this  presente  day, 
remaine  in  a  wildernes  and  utter  desolation,  havinge 
bene  before  time  as  well  peopled  as  was  possible. 

We  are  able  to  yelde  a  goodd  and  perfecte  ac- 
compte,  that  there  is,  within  the  space  of  forty  yeres, 
by  these  said  tyranies  and  develishe  doinges  of  the 
Spaniardes,  don  to  deathe  unjustly  and  tyranously 
more  then  twelve  millions  of  soules,  men,  Avomen, 
and  children.  And  I  verely  doe  beleive,  and  tliinke 
I  doe  not  mistake  therein,  there  are  deade  more 
then  fiftene  millions  of  soules. 

Thus  havinge  hearde  of  the  multitudes  of  soules 
slayne,  you  shall  heare  the  manner  of  their 
slaughter. 

In  the  chapiter  of  Hispaniola  it  thus  followeth :  — 

Nowe   after  sondry   other  forces,   violences,   and 


"WESTERNE   I'LANTING. 


75 


tormcntes  which  they  wroughte  ngainste  them,  the 
Indians  perccaved  that  those  were  no  men  descended 
from  heaven.  Some  of  them,  therefore,  hidd  their 
victualls,  others  hidd  their  wives  and  their  children. 
Some  other  fiedd  into  the  mountaines  to  seperate 
themselves  afarr  of  from  a  nation  of  so  harde  natured 
and  ghastly  conversation.  The  Spaniardes  buffeted 
them  with  their  fistes  and  bastianadoes,  pressinge 
also  to  lay  their  handes  on  the  lordes  of  the  townes. 
And  these  cases  ended  in  so  greate  an  hazarde  and 
despcratnes,  that  a  Spanishe  capitaine  diirste  adven- 
ture to  ravishe  forcibly  the  wife  of  the  greatest  kinge 
and  lorde  of  this  ile.  Since  which  time  the  Indians 
began  to  searche  meanes  to  caste  the  Spaniardes  oute 
of  their  landes,  and  sett  themselves  in  arms.  But 
what  kinde  of  armes !  Very  weake  and  feble  to  with- 
stande  or  resiste,  and  of  lesse  defence.  Wherefore 
all  their  warres  are  no  more  warres,  then  the  play- 
cnge  of  children  when  as  they  playe  ntjofjo  de  cane 
or  reedes.  The  Spaniardes  with  their  horses,  speares, 
and  launces,  began  to  comitt  murders  and  straunge 
cruelties.  They  entred  into  townes,  burroughes,  and 
villages,  sparinge  neither  children  nor  olde  men,  ney- 
ther  women  with  childe,  neither  them  that  laye  in ; 
but  they  ripped  their  bellies  and  cutt  them  in  peces, 
as  if  they  had  bene  openinge  of  lambes  shutt  upp  in 
their  folde.  They  laied  wagers  with  suche  as  with 
one  thruste  of  a  sworde  woulde  paunche  or  bowcll  a 
man  in  the  middest,  or  with  one  blowe  of  a  sworde 
moste  readily  and  moste  deliverly  cut  of  his  heade, 
or  that  woulde  best  perce  his  entrails  at  one  stroke. 


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76 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNINO 


They  tookc  the  little  soulcs  by  the  heelcs,  rarapinge 
them  from  their  mothers  brestes,  and  crusshcd  their 
headcs  againste  the  cliftes.  Others  they  caste  into 
the  rivers,  laugh inge  and  mockinge ;  and  when  they 
tomblcd  into  the  water,  they  saied :  Nowe  sbifte  for 
thy  selfe  suche  a  one's  corps.  They  put  others,  to- 
gether with  their  mothers,  and  all  that  they  mett,  to 
the  edge  of  the  sworde.  They  made  certcn  gibbetts 
longe  and  loughe,  in  such  sorte  that  the  feete  of  the 
hanged  one  touched  in  a  manner  the  grounde ;  every 
one  enoughe  for  thirtene,  in  the  honour  and  wor- 
shippe  of  our  Saviour  and  his  twelve  apostles  (as 
they  used  to  speakc),  and  settinge  to  fire,  burned 
them  all  quicke  that  were  fastened.  Unto  all  others, 
whome  they  used  to  take  and  reserve  alive,  cuttinge 
of  their  twoo  handes  as  nere  as  mighte  be,  and  so 
lettinge  them  liange,  they  saied :  Go  you  with  those 
letters  to  cary  tydinges  to  those  which  are  fled  by  the 
mountaines.  They  murdrcd  commonly  the  lordes  and 
uobilitie  on  this  fasshion :  they  made  ccrten  grates  of 
perches  laid  on  pitchforkes,  and  made  a  little  fire 
underneathe,  to  the  intente  that  by  little  and  little, 
yellinge  and  despairinge  in  these  tormentes,  they 
mighte  give  up  the  ghoste.  One  time  I  sawe  foure 
or  five  of  the  principall  lordes  roasted  and  broyled 
upon  these  gredyrons ;  also  I  thinke  that  there  were 
twoo  or  three  of  the  said  gredyrons  garnished  with 
the  like  furniture.  And  for  that  they  cried  oute  pite- 
ously,  whiche  thinge  troubled  the  capitaine  that  he 
coulde  not  then  slepe,  he  comaunded  to  strangle 
them.     The   serjeant,   which    was   worse   then   the 


WE8TERNE    rLANTINO. 


77 


hangman,  that  burned  them,  (I  knowc  his  name  and 
frondes  in  Civill,)  wouldc  not  liave  them  strangled, 
hut  hymsclfc  putting  bulletts  in  their  mouthes,  to  the 
ende  they  shoulde  not  crye,  put  to  the  fire,  until  they 
were  softly  roasted  after  his  desire.  I  have  seene  all 
the  aforesaidc  thinges,  and  others  infinite.  And  foras- 
niuche  as  all  the  people  that  coulde  flee,  hidd  them- 
selves in  the  mountaines  and,  mounted  on  the  toppes 
of  them,  fledd  from  the  men,  so,  withoute  all  man- 
hodde,  em])tie  of  all  pietie,  behavinge  themselves  as 
sav.ge  beastes,  the  slaughterers  and  murderers  of 
numkinde,  they  taughte  their  houndes,  fierce  doggs, 
to  teare  them  in  peces  at  the  firste  vicwe ;  and,  in 
the  space  that  one  mighte  say  a  credo,  assailed  and 
devoured  an  Indian  as  if  it  had  bene  a  swine.  These 
doggs  wroughte  greate  destructions  and  slaughters. 
And  forasmoche  as  somtymes  (thoughe  seldome)  the 
Indian  put  to  death  some  Spaniardes  upon  goodd 
righte  and  lawe  of  due  justice,  they  made  a  lawo 
betwene  them,  that  for  one  Spaniarde  they  had  to 
slaye  an  hundred  Indians. 
And  thus  farr  outc  of  the  large  volume  of  Don  Bishop  Bar- 

,  .  „    tholmewe  de 

Bartholmewe  de  las  Casas,  bissho])pe  of  the  citie  of  las  casas,  an 

eye  wytiies 

Chiape  in  the  West  Indies,  where    he  lyved  many  oi' these  cmei 


yeres. 

Will  you  nowe  heare  one  testymonie  of  Johannes  Johannes 

i^rctciius 
INIetcllus  Sequanus,  whoe  was  a  Papiste  and  favoured  Sequauus. 

the  Spanishe  superstition ;  yet  he  writes  as  followeth 

in  the  prefiice   of  the  Historic  of  Osorius  de  rebus 

gestis  Emanuelis,  fol.  16:    At  vero  vt  semel  intelli- 

gatur  quid  Indos  toties  ad  res  nouas  contra  Hispanos 


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; 

1 

1 

78 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNINO 


molicndas,  ot  soditioncs  tanta  pcrtinacia  foucnclas 
impiilcrit,  ct  quid  causic  fuerit  cur  duo  ilia  Christians 
Reipublicic  summa  capita  ludicrc  nationis  libertatom, 
frcmcntibus  quibusdam  ct  inuitis  dubio  procul  mili- 
tibus  Ilispanis,  sauctissimo  suo  calculo  comprobariut, 
paucis  nouorum  dominorum  in  miscros  immanitatcni, 
dcindo  quorundam  incxi)lcbilcm  auaritiam,  et  ex  his 
grauiorcs  (piosquc  tumultus,  vndc  noui  orbis  pcne 
totius  nunquam  satis  deploranda  vastitas  est  sequuta, 
perstriugam. 

Principio  quidcm  illud  apud  plcrosque  militcs  His- 
panos,  pcssimo  sane  cxcmplo,  in  more  positum  fuit, 
vti  ab  oculatis  et  fide  dignis  testibus  perscriptum  est, 
vt  scruos  suos  grauissime  punirent,  si  merccdem  diur- 
nam  aut  non  attulissent,  aut  pensum  in  auro  argentoue 
efFodiendo  non  absoluisscnt,  aut  si  (piid  Icuioris  denique 
delicti  perpctrassent.  Etenira  vespcri  reduces,  cccntie 
loco,  primiim  vestimentis  cxucbant,  manibus  dein  pcdi- 
busque  in  transuerso  p;  o  reuinciebant :  mox  chorda 
bubaloue  ncruo  dirissime  "rbcrabant.  Sic  tractates, 
pice  oleoue  feruenti  guttatiui  [)erfundebant ;  salita  post 
aqua  corpus  abluebant,  et  in  mensa  tamdiu  relinque- 
bant,  quanidiu  dolorem  ferre  posse  putarentur.  Qui 
mos  auimaduertendi  ipsis  etiam  in  Christianos  seruos 
domi  familiaris  esse  dicitur.  Post  carnificinam  huius- 
modi,  si  durior  dominus  illis  contigerat,  viuos  in  totam 
noctem  collo  tonus  defodiebant,  presentissimum  illud 
ad  plagas  rcmedium  esse  ludibrio  dictitantes.  Si  quis 
ex  illis  prae  dolore  moreretur,  id  quod  non  raro  accidit, 
dominus  singula  seruorum  capita  regi  in  occisoruni  lo- 
cum sufficiens,  ab  homicidij  poena  liberabatur.    Hanc 


WESTERNE   PLANTINO. 


79 


criulclitatcm  lego  Baionir,  qimm  die iint,  qnidcm  excu- 
Bunt ;  sed  omnibus  impia  mcrito  vidotur,  tiinqiiam 
oniiiis  pietiitis  cxpcrs.  Qmimobrem  diiibolictp  uomcn 
inter  Indos  iure  quidem  obtinuit.  Ad  liunc  autcm  im- 
nianitatcm  in  miscros  Indos  cxcercendam  nonnullos 
ingenita  qiiiedam  naturro  stcuitics,  multis  iam  bellis  cx- 
asperata,  plcrosquc  habendi  sitis,  impulit.  Mine  His- 
panus  miles,  quasi  ad  aucupium  aut  venationcm,  sic 
ad  pra^das  hominum  agendas,  iam  indo  ab  inucnto 
nouo  orbe  feni  ca:pit.  Aut  igitur  bello  ca})tos  in 
seruitutem  abripiebat,  aut  ex  eorum  mancipio  mag- 
nam  sibi  pecunitc  vim  conflabat,  aut  eos  ad  diurnas 
operas  mittebat,  quarum  mcrccdem  ab  ijs  quotidic 
perqnam  importunus  exigebat.  Fuere  qui  seruos 
fodinis  manciparint,  in  quibus  insolito  labore  fractre, 
multje  seruorum  myriades  pericre.  Alij  mercibus 
illos  permutare  soliti  sunt,  alioue  modo  distrahcre. 
Idquc  tam  inclemcnter  et  auare  nonnulli  fecernnt, 
vt  Christianas  omnis  humanitatis  prorsus  obliti,  e 
contincnte  abreptos  vtriusque  sexus  homines,  nulla 
nee  ietatis  nee  valctudinis  habita  ratione,  nauibus 
in  vieinas  insulas  transportarent.  Eorum  non  pauci 
qui  mari  non  assueuerant,  et  in  sentinam  abdebantur, 
et  fame,  fa^tore,  et  squallore  crudoHter  absorpti  sunt. 
Quid?  quod  freminaj  complures  ex  Hispanis  graui- 
da?,  vna  cum  innoxio  fcetu  pro  ancillis  sunt  venditse  ? 
Atque  his  quidem  modis,  militum  aliqui  ad  summas 
opes  peruenerunt.  Alij  magnas  dignitates  domi 
forisque  sunt  consequuti.  Alij  rem  pecuniariam 
plurimorum  damnis  sic  auxerunt,  vt  inuenti  sint, 
qui  octo  pecudum  millia  possiderent.     Hanc  tam  in- 


n, 


. 


!     i 


t, 


80 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


signcm  nostrum  hominum  iniustitiam  atque  tyranni- 
dcm  fieri  non  potuit,  quin  magni  statim  motus  et 
bclla,  tam  ab  ipsis  inter  se,  quam  ab  incolis  in  illos 
excitata  scquerentur.  After  a  longe  beade  roll  of 
raoste  monstrous  cruelties  of  the  Spanishe  nation  in 
every  place  of  the  West  Indies  moste  heynously  com- 
mitted, he  concludeth  yt  thus  :  Tantu  ergo  fuit  liis- 
pani  militis  in  India  tyrannis,  vt  ea  non  solum  Indos, 
vcruiii  etiam  seruorum  Maurorum  animos  ad  rcbclli- 
onem  impulerit.  Dicuntur  enim  in  exigua  quadara 
insula  ad  septem  millia  dcfccisse.  Quos  Hispani  initio 
secures  et  incautos  facillime  trucidassent,  nisi  suo 
malo  vigilantiores  factos  precibus  et  pacifica  legatio- 
ne  expugnare  potius  quam  armis  frustra  tcntassent. 
Multi  denique  fugitiui  Mauri  in  Nominis  Dei  provin- 
cia3  siluis  habitant ;  qui  inita  cum  incolis  amicitia, 
ferro,  flammaque  Hispanos  vbicunque  pcrsequuntur, 
et  inuentos  frustatim  dilacerant. 

This,  therefore,  I  gather  of  the  prcunsses,  that 
those  contries  whereof  the  Spaniarde  ys  lorde  are 
partely  ruinated,  dispeopled,  and  laid  waste  by  their 
incredible,  and  more  then  barbarous,  and  savage, 
endeles  cruelties,  and  partely  grevously  infested  by 
the  Indians,  Symerons,  Moores,  Chichimici  revolted  ; 
and  consequently;'  he  is  easie  to  be  driven  thence, 
and  turned  out  of  all  with  moche  lesser  force  then  is 
commonly  ymagincd  :  for.  Nullum  violentum  est  diu- 
turnum  ;  et  mains  diuturnitatis  custos  est  metus. 
TheSpnnishc       Aud  surcly  the  more  I  thinke  of  the  Spanishe  mor- 

iiioniiri'hy  is  i  •         ^  i-ii'-ti  i  ■  e 

like  lint.)  the    archie,  the  more  me  thinketh  it  is  liku  the  empire  oi 

monnrchy  of 

Aicxniidor      Alexander  the  Greate,  which  grewe  upp  sooddenly, 


wm 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


81 


and  sooddenly  \\\,on  his  deathe  was  rente  and  dissolved 

for  faulte  of  lawfull  yssue.    In  like  manner  the  Kir.ge 

of  Spaine,  nowe  59.yeres  of  age,  as  beinge  borne  in  the 

yore  of  our  Lorde  1526.  in  the  moneth  of  May,  and 

bciiige   subjecte  to  the  fallinge  sicknes,  in  common 

reason  can  be  of  no  longe  life  ;  and  leavinge  no  fitt 

yssue  to  wealde  so  greate  :    governcmente,  and  a 

question  risinge,  whether  his  younge  weako  sonne,  by 

his  sister's  daughter,  be  lawfull  heire,  they  are  like 

upon  his  deathe  to  fall  together  by  the  earcs  amongest 

themselves  ;  and  then,  as  men  moste  odious,  not  onely 

to  the   people  of  the  West  Indies,  but  also  to  all 

Christcndome,  and  all  the  worlde  beside,  ys  it  not 

likely  that  every  province  will   seke  their  libertie? 

And,  to  say  the  truthe,  what  nation,  I  pray  you,  of  all 

Christcndome  loveth  the  Spaniarde,  the  scourge  of  the 

worlde,  but  from  the  teethe  forwarde,  and  for  advaun- 

tage  ?     The  Italians,  which  sometime  were  lordes  of 

the  earthc,  in  greate  parte  nowe  broughte  under  his 

vile  yoke,  doe  many  wayes  shewe  the  utter  mislike  of 

their  satanicall  arrogancie  and  insolencies,  and  in  all 

their  playes   and  comedies  bringe   in    the   Spanishe 

souldicr  as  a  ravisher  of  virgins  and  wives,  and  as  the 

boastinge  Thraso  and  7mles  gloriosus  ;  notinge  to  the 

worlde    their   insupportable    luxuriousncs,    excessive 

pride,  and  shamcfull  vaine  glorie.     The  citie  of  Rome, 

beinge  sackte  by  Charles  the  Empcrour,  the  Pope  and 

Cardinalls  taken  and  ymprisoned,  cannot  brooke  their 

doinges  in  their  hartes.     The  Venecians  stande  daily 

in  feare  of  them,  almoste  as  moche  as  of  the  Tmke, 

and  doubte  that,  if  they  be  not  with  spede  restrained, 

11 


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82 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


they  will  inclose  them  and  use  them  at  their  pleasure, 
beinge  on  bothe  sides  become  almoste  lordes  of  the 
mouthe  of  the  Straites  of  Giberaulter.  The  Frenche, 
remembringe  the  takinge  of  their  kinge  prisoner,  their 
crueltie  in  Florida,  the  late  overthrowo  of  Strozzi  and 
their  fleete,  their  takinge  of  Tercera,  and  other  dis- 
graces, hate  them  for  the  moste  parte  worse  then 
scorpions.  The  Princes  of  Germanic,  the  Duke  of 
Saxonie,  the  Lantsgrave  of  Hassia,  the  Duke  of 
Cleve,  the  Duke  Cassimere,  have  susteyned  wronges 
sufficient  to  make  them  his  mortall  enemies.  His 
innumerable  outrages  in  the  Netherlandes  have  in- 
forced  the  Flemynges  to  those  termes  which  nowe 
they  stande  at.  Their  manifolde  practises  to  sup- 
plant us  of  England  give  us  moste  occasion  to  be- 
thincke  ourselves,  howe  wee  may  abate  and  pull  downe 
their  highe  myndes.  Tlie  poore  oppressed  prince 
and  people  of  Portingale  doe  watche  nighte  and  day 
when  to  finde  a  convenient  occasion  of  defection.  In 
fine,  there  is  almoste  no  nation  of  Europe  that  may 
not  say  againste  the  Spaniarde  with  the  poet:  Dis- 
tuleratque  graues  in  idonea  tempera  pccnas  ;  and  so, 
Eum  multos  metuere  necesse  est  quern  multi  metu- 
u  it ;  and,  Multorum  odijs  nulla  respublica  stare  diu 
potest. 


"'■';'fPl 


"VVESTERNE   PLANTING. 


83 


®l)at  the  passage  in  this  voyadge  is  easie  and  shorte,  that  it  cutteth  Cap.  XII. 
not  nere  the  trade  of  any  other  raightie  princes,  or  nere 
tlieir  contries,  that  it  is  to  be  perfourmed  at  all  times  of  the 
yere,  and  nedeth  but  one  kinde  of  winde ;  that  Ireland, 
beinge  full  of  goodd  havens  on  the  southe  and  weste  side,  is 
the  nerest  parte  of  Europe  to  yt,  which  by  this  trade  shalbe 
in  more  securitie,  and  the  sooner  drawen  to  more  civilitie. 

In  tljiS  voyadge  wee  may  see  by  the  globe  that 
wee  are  not  to  passe  the  burnte  zone,  nor  to  passe 
throughe  the  frozen  seas,  but  in  a  temperate  dimate 
unto  a  contrie  muche  like  to  those  partes  of  Gascoigne 
and  Guyen,  where  heretofore  our  nation  for  a  longe 
tyme  have  inhabited.  And  it  requireth  not,  as  longe 
voyadges  doe,  the  takinge  in  of  freslie  water  by  the 
way  in  divers  places,  by  reason  it  may  be  sailed  in 
five  or  sixe  weekes.  "Whereby  the  marchante  nede 
[not]  to  expecte  twoo  or  three  yeres  for  one  returne, 
as  in  the  voyadge  of  Sir  Fraunces  Drake,  of  Fen- 
ton  and  William  Hawkins  ;  but  may  receave  twoo 
returnes  every  yere  in  the  selfe  same  shippes,  I  saye, 
and  well  repose  themselves  at  their  arryvalls  ;  which 
tliinge  I  myselfe  have  scene  and  understoode  in 
Ffraunce  this  presente  yere  don  by  the  FrcncheMen  ; 
whoe,  settingc  furthe  in  January,  broughtc  their  banke 
fishe  which  they  tooke  on  the  Bancke,  forty  or  three- 
score leagues  from  Newfoundelande,  to  Iloan,  in  greate 
quantitie,  by  the  ende  of  May,  and  afterwarde  returned 
this  yere  againe  to  the  fisshinge,  and  are  looked  for  at 


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84 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


m  : 

home  towardes  the  fifte  of  November.  To  the  spedy 
perfourmaunce  of  which  voyadge  this  is  a  speciall  fur- 
theraunce :  that  whereas  moste  of  our  other  voyadges 
of  Hke  lengthe  require  twoo  or  three  sortes  of  windes 
at  the  leaste,  one  onely  winde  suffiseth  to  make  this ; 
which  was  no  doubte  the  cause  of  the  quicke  returne 
of  my  frende  Stephen  Bellinger  of  Roan,  whoe  departed 
from  Newhaven  in  January  was  twelve  monethes,  ar- 
ryved  at  Cape  Briton  in  xx"  daies  space,  and  from 
thence  discoucred  very  diligently  CC.  leagues  to- 
w^ardes  Norumbega,  and  had  traficque  with  the  people 
in  tenne  or  twelue  places ;  founde  a  towne  conteyn- 
inge  fourescore  houses,  and  returned  home,  with  a 
diligent  description  of  the  coaste,  in  the  space  of 
foure  monethes,  with  many  comodities  of  the  contrie, 
which  he  shewed  me. 

Moreover  this  passage  is  neither  by  the  Straites  of 
Giberaulter,  nor  on  the  coastcs  of  Spaine,  Portingall, 
Fraunce,  nor  Flanders,  neither  by  the  Sounde  of 
Denmarke,  nor  Wardhouse  in  Norwey ;  so  as  in 
takinge  our  course  on  the  liighe  seas  wee  shall  not 
be  in  daunger  of  the  corsaries  in  the  Levant,  nor  of 
the  gallies  of  Barbaric,  nor  of  the  Turke,  nor  of  any 
state  of  Italic,  neither  of  the  Spaniarde,  the  Frenclic, 
nor  the  Dane,  nor  of  any  other  prince  nor  potentate 
Avithin  the  Sounde  in  the  northe,  or  in  the  northeaste 
partes  of  the  worlde. 

Wee  may  also  travell  thither  and  perfourme  the 
same  at  all  times  of  the  yere,  Avith  the  like  facilitie  as 
our  marchantes  of  Bristowe,  Weymouthe,  and  other 
partes  of  the  West  Contries  travell  for  woade  to  the 


^i^mm. 


m 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


85 


lies  of  St.  Mighcll  and  Tercera  (which  are  halfe  the 
way  thither)  all  the  yere  longe.  For  this  coaste  is 
never  subjecte  to  the  ise,  which  is  never  lightly  seene 
to  the  southe  of  Cape  Razo  in  Newfounde  lande. 

Besides  this,  in  our  way  as  wee  passe  to  and  froe, 
wee  shall  have  in  tempestes  and  other  necessities  the 
portes  of  Ireland  to  our  aide,  and  no  nerer  coaste  of 
any  enemye.  Moreover  by  the  ordinary  entercourse 
wee  may  annoye  the  enemyes  to  Ireland,  and  succour 
the  Queens  Majesties  faithfull  subjects,  and  drawe 
tlic  Irishe  by  little  and  little  to  more  civilitie ;  and  in 
shorte  tyme  wee  may  yelde  them  from  the  coastes  of 
America  whatsoever  comodities  they  no  we  receave  at 
the  handcs  of  the  Spaniardes.  So  the  Spaniardes  shall 
wante  the  ordynarye  victualls  they  receave  every  yere 
from  thence,  whereby  they  cannot  contynue  traficque, 
nor  fall  so  aptly  to  practize  againste  our  governcmente 
there  as  heretofore  by  their  trade  thither  they  have 
don  and  doc  daily,  to  the  greate  expences  of  her 
Majestic,  and  no  small  indaungeriuge  and  troublinge 
of  our  state. 

And  to  conclude :  in  tradinge  to  these  contries  wee 
shall  not  nede,  for  fcare  of  the  Spanishe  bloudy 
Inquisition,  to  throwe  our  bibles  and  prayer  bookes 
over  boorde  into  the  sea  before  our  arryvall  at  their 
portes,  as  these  many  yeres  wee  have  don  and  yet  doe, 
nor  take  suche  horrible  oatlies  as  are  exacted  of  our 
men  by  the  Spanishe  searchers,  to  suche  dayly  wilful! 
and  highc  offence  of  Almightie  God,  as  we  are  driven 
to  continually  iu  foUowinge  our  ordinary  trafficque 
into  the  Kinge  of  Spaines  domynions  ;  whereof  at  large 
wee  have  spoken  before  in  the  seconde  chapiter. 


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86 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Cap.  XIII.  QTIjat  lierehy  the  revenewes  and  customes  of  her  Majestic,  bothe 
outewarde  and  inwarde,  shall  mightely  be  inlarged  by  the 
toll,  excises,  aud  other  dueties  which  withoute  oppression 
may  be  raysed. 

C!)0  manifolde  testimonies,  verbatim  alleaged  by  me 
in  the  thirde  chapiter,  of  John  Ribault,  John  Vcrar- 
samis,  Stephen  Gomes,  Vasqiies  de  Coronado,  Jaques 
Cartier,  Gasper  Corterialis,  and  others,  which  all  were 
the  discoverers  of  the  coaste  and  inland  of  America 
betwcne  30  and  63  degrees,  prove  infallibly  unto  us 
that  golde,  silver,  copper,  perles,  pretious  stones,  and 
turqueses,  and  emraldes,  and  many  other  commodities, 
have  bene  by  them  founde  in  those  regions.  To 
which  testimonies  I  shoulde  have  added  many  more 
yf  I  had  not  feared  to  be  tedious.  Nowe  the  fyfte 
parte  of  all  these  aforenamed  comodities  cannot  choose 
but  amounte  to  a  greate  matter,  beinge  yerely  reserved 
unto  her  Majestie,  accordinge  to  the  tenor  of  the 
patent  graunted  by  King  Henry  the  Seaventh  in  the 
xj*.*"  yere  of  his  raigne  to  John  Gabote  and  his  three 
sonnes,  Lewes,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius ;  the  wordcs 
whereof  it  shoulde  not  be  amisse  here  to  sett  downe,  as 
they  are  printed  in  my  booke  of  voyadges.  These  are 
the  wordes :  Ex  omnibus  fructibus,  proficuis,  emolu- 
mentis,  commodis,  lucris,  et  obuentionibus  ex  huius- 
modi  nauigatione  prouenientibus,  prcfatus  Joannes  ct 
filij  ac  heredes  et  eorum  deputati  teneantur,  et  sint 
obligati  nobis  pro  omni  viagio  suo,  toties  quoties  ad 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


87 


ill: 


portura  nostrum  Bristolliee  applicuerint  (ad  quern 
omnino  applicarc  teneantur  ot  sint  astricti),  deductis 
omnibus  sumptibus  et  impensis  necessary's  per  eos- 
dem  factis,  quintam  partem  capitalis  lucri  facti,  siue 
in  mercibus,  siue  in  pecuniis,  persoluere. 

What  gaines  this  imposition  may  turne  unto  the 
Crovvne  of  England  in  shorte  tyme  wee  may  more 
then  gesse,  havinge  but  an  eye  to  the  Kinge  of  Spaines 
revenewes,  which  he  no  we  hath  oute  of  all  his  do- 
mynions  in  all  the  West  Indies. 

The  like  in  all  respectes  may  be  saied  of  the 
revenewes  of  the  Crowne  of  Portingale,  which,  bcinge 
of  itselfe  one  of  the  smallest  and  poorest  kingdomes 
of  all  Christendome,  became  in  shorte  space  so  riche 
and  honourable  soone  after  their  entringe  into  their 
southesterne  discoveries,  traficques,  and  conquestes, 
that,  before  the  deathe  of  their  late  youngc  kinge 
Sebastian,  their  embassadors  woulde  strive  and  chal- 
enge  for  the  chefest  place  with  the  embassadores  of 
the  greatest  kinges  of  Christendome ;  as  I  have 
hearde  it  dyvers  tymes  spoken  at  Paris  at  my  lordes 
table  by  men  of  greate  honour  and  experience,  in 
which  citie  moste  princes  and  states  of  Christendome 
have  their  embassadors  comonly  resident. 

To  leave  them  and  to  come  to  our  nation,  I  say 
that  amonge  other  meanes  to  encrease  her  Majesties 
customes  this  shalbe  one,  especially  that  by  plant- 
inge  and  fortifieinge  nere  Cape  Briton,  what  by  the 
strengthe  of  our  shipps  beinge  harde  at  hande,  and 
beariiige  the  sway  already  amongest  all  nations  that 
fishe  at  Newfoundelande,  and  what  by  the  fortes  that 


*  I 

•  * 


r^ 


M 

m 

3j 

M 
l> 


11 


'l|!|i| 


88 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


}|li 


:.   t 

I      ; 

-'  -t 


I 


there  may  be  erected  and  heldc  by  our  people,  wee 
shall  be  able  to  iuforce  them,  havinge  no  place  els  to 
repaire  unto  so  convenient,  to  pay  us  suche  a  contynual 
custome  as  shall  please  us  to  lay  upon  them ;  which 
imposition  of  twoo  or  three  hundred  shippes  laden 
yerely  with  sondry  sortes  of  fishc,  trane  oyle,  and 
many  kyndes  of  furres  and  hides,  cannot  choose  but 
amountc  to  a  greate  matter,  bcinge  all  to  be  levied 
upon  straungers.  And  this  notonely  wee  may  exacte 
of  the  Spaniardes  and  Portingales,  but  also  of  the 
Frenchc  men,  our  olde  and  auncient  enemyes.  What 
shoulde  T  speake  of  the  customes  of  the  greate  mul- 
titudes of  course  clothes,  AVelshe  frise,  and  Irishe 
ruggs,  that  may  be  uttered  in  the  more  northerly  partes 
of  the  lande  amonge  the  Esquimawes  of  the  Grande 
Bay,  and  amonge  them  of  Canada,  Saguynay,  and  llo- 
chelaga,  which  are  subjccte  to  sharpe  and  nippiuge 
winters,  albeit  their  somers  be  hotter  moche  then 
cures.  Againe,  the  multitudes  of  small  yron  and 
copper  workes,  wherewith  they  are  exceedingly  de- 
lighted, will  not  a  little  cncrease  the  customes,  beinge 
transported  oute  of  the  lande.  I  omitt  the  rehersall 
of  a  thousande  othel*  trifiinge  wares,  which,  besides 
they  may  sett  many  women,  children,  and  ympotent 
persons  on  worke  in  makinge  of  them,  woulde  also 
helpe  to  the  encreasinge  of  the  customes.  Lastly, 
whatsoever  kind  of  commodyties  shoulde  be  broughte 
from  thence  by  her  Majesties  subjectes  into  the  realme, 
or  be  thither  transported  oute  of  the  realme,  cannot 
choose  but  inlargc  the  revenewes  of  the  Crowne 
very  mightely,  and  inriche  all  sortes  of  subjectes  in 
generally. 


'  I 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


89 


(2Ii]at  this  action  will  be  for  the  greate  increase,  mayneteynannce,  and     Cap.  XIV. 
safetie  of  our  navie,  and  especially  of  greate  sliippinge,  which 
is  the  strengthe  of  our  realme,  and  for  the  siipportation  of 
all  those  occupations  that  depends  upon  the  same. 


Ill   tt)C    Statutes  moste   providently    ordeyned   for 

increase  and  maineteynannce  of  our   navigation   in 

the  raignes  of  Kinge  Ilicliarde   the  Secondc,  Kinge 

Henry  the  Seaventh,  Kinge  Henry  the  Eiglith,  and 

her  Majestie  that  nowe  ys,  tlioughe  many  and  sondry 

rewardes    were   proposed    to   incourage    our   people 

unto  the  sea,  yet  still  I  fynde  complaintes  of  decaye  of 

the  navye,  notwithstandinge  so  many  goodly  privi- 

ledges  to  mayneteine  fisshermen,  the  ordeyninge  of 

Wendisday  to  be  a  newe  fishe  day  for  the  better  utter- 

aunce  of  their  fishe  that  they  shoulde  take  at  sea,  yea, 

albeit  there  hath  bene  graunted  a  certen  proportionable 

allowaunce  oute  of  the  exchequer  to  suche  as  woulde 

builde  any  shippes  of  burden  to  serve  the  prince  in 

tyme  of  warr,  yet  very  little  hath  bene  done  in  that 

behalfe.      For,  settinge  the  Citie  of  London  aparte, 

goe  your  way  into  the  west  parte  of  England  and 

Wales,  and  searche  howe  many  shippes  of  CC.  tonnes 

and  upwardes  those  partes  can  afForde,  and  you  shall 

iiude  (God  wottcth)  no  such  nomber  as  at  the  firste 

you  did  ymagine.     At  this  day  I  am  assured  there 

are  scarce  twoo  of  CC.  tonnes  belonginge  to  the  whole 

12 


♦ » 

I .- 


tli 


I 


1 1 

<  * 


jtt 


m 


M 
t) 


90 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNINO 


71 


citic  of  Bristowc,  and  very  fewe  or  none  of  the  like 
burdf  n  alonge  the  channcll  of  Severne  from  Gloces- 
tcr  to  tlie  Landes  Endc  on  the  one  side,  and  Milfordc 
Haven  on  the  other.  Nowc,  to  rcmedie  this  greate 
and  imknowcn  wante,  no  enterprise  possibly  can  be 
devised  more  fitt  to  increase  our  greate  shippingc 
then  this  Westerne  fortificnge  and  planting.  For  in 
this  action  wee  are  not  to  cutt  over  the  narrowe  seas, 
in  a  day  or  a  nighte,  betwene  Flaunders,  Fraiince,  or 
Ireland,  in  small  barkes  of  xx.  or  xxxV  tonnes  ;  but 
wee  are  to  passe  over  the  breste  of  the  maine  ocean, 
and  to  lye  at  sea  a  moneth  or  six  weekes  together, 
whereby  wee  shall  be  constrayned  of  our  selves, 
withoute  chardginge  of  the  Prince,  to  builde  greate 
shippes,  as  well  to  avoide  the  daunger  of  tempest  as 
also  for  the  commoditie  of  portage,  whereunto  the 
greater  shippes  in  longe  voyadges  are  moste  conven- 
iente,  which  the  Povtingales  and  Spaniardes  have 
founde  oute  by  longe  experience,  whoe  for  that 
cause  builde  shippes  of  v.  vj.  vij.  viij.  C.  and  a  M. 
tonnes,  to  sende  into  their  Easterne  and  Westerne 
Indies. 

The  like  whereof  wee  shalbe  the  rather  invited  to 
doe,  since  by  this  voyadge  wee  shall  have  many  thingcs 
for  little  or  nothinge,  that  are  necessarie  for  the  fur- 
niture of  greate  shippinge.  For  beinge  possessed  of 
Newfounde  lande,  which  the  laste  yere  was  seazed 
upon  in  her  Majesties  name,  wee  may  have  tarr, 
rosen,  mastes,  and  cordage  for  the  very  workeman- 
shippe  of  the  same.  All  which  comodities  cannot 
choose  but  wonderfully  invite  -our  men  to  the  build- 


! 


WESTERNE    TLANTING. 


91 


ingc  of  grente  shippingc,  especially  liavinge  store  of 
the  best  shipwrights  of  the  worldc,  whereof  some,  for 
wante  of  employmentc  at  home,  have  bene  driven  to 
fiyo  into  forren  partes,  as  into  Denmarke.  Moreover, 
in  the  judgemente  of  those  that  are  experte  in  sea 
causes,  yt  will  breede  more  skilfull,  connynge,  and 
stowte  pilotts  and  maryners  then  other  belonginge  to 
this  lande.  For  it  is  the  longe  voyadges  (so  they  be 
not  to  excessive  longe,  nor  throughe  intemperate  cly- 
matcs,  as  those  of  the  Portingales  into  their  West 
Indies)  that  harden  seamen,  and  open  unto  them  the 
secretes  of  navigation  ;  the  natures  of  the  windes  ;  the 
currentcs  and  settinge  of  the  sea ;  the  ebbinge  and 
flowinge  of  the  mayne  ocean ;  the  influence  of  the 
Sonne,  the  moone,  and  of  the  rest  of  the  celestiall 
plimetts,  and  force  which  they  have  at  sondry  seasons 
upon  that  mightie  body :  whiche  skill  in  sea  causes 
the  Emperour  Charles  the  Fyfte,  knowinge  howe 
moche  yt  did  ymporte  his  state,  to  the  intente  it 
mighte  better  encrease  amongest  the  Spaniardes,  in 
greate  providence  erected  a  lecture  of  the   arte  of  a  lecture  of 

the  arte  of 

navigation  in  Civill,  and  ordeyned  that  no  man  navigation. 
shoulde  take  chardge  to  the  West  Indies  that  had  not 
hearde  the  Reader  of  the  same  for  a  certaine  space, 
and,  upon  due  examynation,  were  allowed  as  suffi- 
cient by  him,  and  others  adjoyned  unto  him  as  assist- 
antes  to  examyn  matters  of  experience ;  which 
order,  if  it  had  bene  established  in  England,  such 
grosse  and  insufficient  felowes  as  he  that  caste  awaye 
the  Admirall  of  Sir  Humfryes  company,  with  an  C. 
persons  in  her,  to  the  west  of  Newfounde  lande,  this 


1 1 


I  r 

1  ■": 


I    t 
I    I 


M 

lit 
01 
« 

« 


93 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNINO 


I 


tymc  twelve  nionoths,  luul  not  bene  admitted  to  take 
80  grcate  a  chui(l<,'C. 

But  to  returne  to  the  increase  and  mayncteynaunco 
of  our  sliippcs  and  shippmen ;  I  aay  this  is  not  as  the 
voyadjj;e  to  Muscovy,  which  is  open  not  paste  fouro 
nioncthcs,  but  may  be  passed  and  repassed  at  our 
pleasure  at  all  tymes  of  the  yere,  and  so  our  maryners 
may  be  sett  on  worke  all  the  yere  longe.  Neither  is 
the  trade  likely  to  prove  so  small  as  that  of  Muscovy, 
wherein  not  past  tenne  8hip])es  at  tlie  moste  are 
employed  ones  a  yere.  For  here  there  is  a  greatc 
hope,  the  contrie  beinge  as  bigge  as  all  Europe,  and 
nothinge  in  frutefulnes  inferior  to  yt,  as  I  have  proved 
before  at  large  in  the  thirde  chapiter,  that  wee  shall 
have  twoo  Hcctes  as  biggc  as  those  of  the  Kinge  of 
Spaine  to  his  West  Indies,  imployed  twise  in  the  yere 
at  the  leaste,  especially  after  our  fortificng  in  the 
contrie,  the  certen  place  of  our  factory  beinge  there 
established ;  whereby  yt  muste  nodes  come  to  passe 
that  our  navye  shalbe  mightely  increased  and  mayne- 
teyned,  which  will  not  onely  be  a  chefe  strcngthe 
and  suertie  in  tyme  of  warres,  as  well  to  offende  as 
defende,  but  will  also  be  the  mayneteynaunce  of 
many  masters,  maryners,  and  seamen,  whereby  they, 
their  wyves  and  children,  shall  have  their  lyvingcs, 
and  many  cities,  townes,  villages,  havens,  and  creekes 
nere  adjoyninge  unto  the  sea  coaste,  and  the  Queencs 
subjectes,  as  brewers,  bowchers,  smithes,  ropers,  ship- 
wrights, tailors,  shoemakers,  and  other  victuallers 
and  handicraftes  men,  inhabitinge  and  dwellinge  nere 
thereaboutes,  shall  also  have  by  the  same  greate  parte 


V^jTSi 


^fl 


WE8TERNE    PLANTING. 


98 


of  their  lyvinge.  For  proofc  hereof  wee  ncde  not 
to  seeke  any  further  then  unto  our  neij^hhourcs  of 
Spaine  and  Portingiilo ;  whoo,  since  the  firstc  discov- 
ciic  of  their  Indies,  have  not  onely  mightely  inhirged 
their  domjuions,  marveilously  inriched  themselves 
and  their  subjectes,  but  have  also  by  juste  accompte 
trebled  the  nomber  of  their  shipijos,  masters,  and 
iiiaryners,  —  a  matter  of  no  small  momente  and  im- 
])nrtance ;  insomoche  that  nowe,  of  late,  Kinge  Phil- 
lil)[)e  hath  made  the  Marques  de  la  Cruz,  which  laste  Marqimsdn 

rt^  A-i  1        4    1      •      11       /•     1        /"v  la  Cruz,  All- 

ycre  wonne  iercera,  drraunde  AdmiruU  oi  the  Ocean  myrniiorihe 
Sea,  and  Prince  d'  Oria  of  Genoa,  Admirall  in  the 
Levant.  A  taste  of  this  increase  wee  have  had  in 
our  owne  selves,  even  by  our  trade  of  fisshinge  in 
Ncwfoundelande ;  which,  as  yt  is  well  knowen,  hath 
bene  occasion,  that  in  sondry  places  of  this  realme 
divers  tall  shippes  have  bene  builte  and  sett  furthe 
even  of  late  dales ;  and  more  woulde  be  if,  whereas 
nowe  havinge  but  twoo  moneths  or  tenne  weekes 
of  fisshinge,  by  this  newe  plantingc  they  mighte  be 
drawcn  more  south-westerly,  where  the  speciall  fissh- 
inge places  arc,  bothe  for  plentie  and  greateness  of 
fishe ;  and  beinge  oute  of  daungcr  and  ympedimente 
of  yse,  they  mighte  fishe  there  safely  the  greatest 
parte  of  the  yere,  and  by  their  nerenes  unto  our  fortes 
there,  builte  aboutc  Cape  Briton,  they  mighte  yelde 
succour  unto  them,  and  likewise  by  their  neighbour- 
hoode  be  themselves  in  more  securitie. 

Fynally,    their   shippes,  their  goodds,  and   their  Amoaneto 

111  1  1   •  1  -1  Bvoide  the 

persons  shoulde  not  be  subjecte  to  soodden  arrestes  wkMuh  ar- 

""  _  rests  of  our 

ot   straungers,  as   they  are   in   all   other  trades  of  "a^y- 


',  ti 


0 


11, 
II 

at 


m 


« 
« 

a 
II 

M 
I) 


94 


DISCOURSE    COKCERNINO 


Christendome ;  but  shpulde  enjoye  as  greate  free- 
dome,  liberti*^,  and  securitie  as  they  usually  doe  in 
their  native  contrie  ;  the  havens,  tovvnes,  and  villages 
in  those  partes  beinge  occupied  and  possessed  by 
theix  fellowe  subjects ;  which  freedome  and  liberty 
will  greatly  incourage  them  to  contynewe  constantly 
in  this  newe  traficque. 


mmm 


WE8TERNF,   PLANTING. 


95 


iil)rtt  spedie  plantinge  in  clivers  fitt  places  is  moste  necessarie  upon 
these  laste  luckye  westerne  discoveries,  for  feare  of  tlie 
danger  of  beinge  prevented  by  other  nations  which  have 
tlie  like  intention,  with  the  order  thereof,  and  other  reasons 
there withall  alleaKed. 


Cap.  XV. 


5l?abincjC  by  Gods  goodd  giiidinge  and  merciful! 
direction  atchieved  happily  this  presente  westerne  dis- 
coverye,  after  the  seekinge  the  advauncement  of  the 
kingedome  of  Christe,  the  seconde  chefe  and  princi- 
pal! ende  of  the  same  is  traficque,  which  consisteth 
in  the  vent  of  tlie  masse  of  our  clothes  and  other 
comodities  of  England,  and  in  receaving  backe  of  the 
nedeful!  comodities  that  wee  nowe  receave  from  all 
other  places  of  the  worlde.  But  forasmoche  as  this 
is  a  matter  of  greate  ymportiunce,  and  a  thinge  of 
so  greate  gaine  as  forren  princes  will  stomacke  at, 
this  one  thinge  is  to  be  don,  withoute  which  it  were 
in  vaine  to  goe  aboute  this  ;  and  that  is, the  matter  of 
pliiutinge  and  fortificacion,  withoute  due  consideracion 
Avhereof  in  vaine  were  it  to  think  of  the  former. 
And  therefore  upon  the  lirste  said  viewe  taken  by  the 
sliippes  that  are  to  be  sente  thither,  wee  are  to  plante 
upon  the  mouthes  of  the  greate  navigable  rivers 
which  are  there,  by  stronge  order  of  fortification, 
and  there  to  plante  our  colonies.  And  so  beinge 
firste  setled  in  strength©  with  men,  armour,  and  mu- 


96 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


lii' 


nition,  and  havinge  our  navy  within  our  bayes,  havens, 
and  roadcs,  wee  shall  be  able  to  lett  the  entraunce  of 
all  subjectes  of  forrcn  princes,  and  so  with  our  freshe 
powers  to  encounter  their  shippes  at  the  sea,  and  to 
renewe  the  same  with  freshe  men,  as  the  soodden 
feightes  shall  require ;  and  by  our  fortes  slialbe 
able  to  holde  faste  our  firste  footinge,  and  readily  to 
annoye  suche  weary  power  of  any  other  that  shall 
seke  to  arry ve ;  and  shalbe  able  with  our  navye  to 
sende  advertisemente  into  England  upon  every  sood- 
den whatsoever  shall  happen.  And  these  fortifications 
shall  kepi,  the  naturall  people  of  the  contrye  in  obe- 
dience and  goodd  order.  And  these  fortes  at  the 
mowthes  of  those  greate  portable  and  navigable 
ryvers  may  at  all  tymes  sende  upp  their  shippes, 
barkcs,  barges,  and  boates  into  the  inland  with  all 
the  comodities  of  England,  and  returne  unto  the  said 
fortes  all  the  comodities  of  the  inlandes  that  wee 
shall  rcceave  in  exchange,  and  thence  at  pleasure 
convey  the  same  into  England.  And  thus  settled  in 
those  fortes,  yf  the  nexte  neighboures  shall  attempte 
any  annoye  to  our  people,  wee  are  kepte  safe  by 
our  fortes ;  and  wee  may,  upon  violence  and  wronge 
oflFred  by  them,  ronne  upon  the  rivers  with  our 
shippes,  pynnesses,  barkes,  and  boates,  and  enter 
into  league  with  the  petite  princes,  their  neighboures, 
that  have  alwayes  lightly  warres  one  with  an  other. 
and  so  entringe  league  nowe  with  the  one,  and  then 
with  the  other,  wee  shall  purchase  our  owne  safetie, 
and  make  ourselves  lordes  of  the  whole. 

Contrarywise,  withoute  this  plantinge  in  due  tyme, 


UESTERNE    PLANTING. 


97 


our 
liter 

ires, 


me, 


wee  shall  never  be  able  to  have  full  knowledge  of  the 
language,  manners,  and  customes  of  the  people  of 
those  regions,  neither  shall  wee  be  able  thoroughly 
to  knowe  the  riches  and  comodities  of  the  inlandes, 
with  many  other  secretes  whereof  as  yet  wee  have 
but  a  small  taste.  And  althoughe  by  other  meanes 
wee  mighte  attaine  to  the  knowledge  thereof,  yet 
beinge  not  there  fortified  and  strongly  seated,  the 
French  that  swarme  with  multitude  of  people,  or 
other  nations,  mighte  secretly  fortifie  and  settle  them- 
selves before  us,  hearinge  of  the  benefite  that  is  to 
be  reaped  of  that  voyadge :  and  so  wee  shoulde  beate 
the  bushe  and  other  men  take  the  birdes;  wee 
shoulde  be  at  the  chardge  and  travell,  and  other  men 
rcape  the  gaine. 

To  make  this  plaine  by  example,  in  the  sixte  leafe 
of  the  Italian  edition  of  the  Historic  of  Fernando 
Cortes,  written  by  Franciscus  Lopez  de  Gomera,  is 
lively  described  the  folly  of  John  Grijalua  for  his  not 
inhabitinge  that  goodd  and  riche  contrie  of  lucaton ; 
which  ymmediately  after  he  had  neglected,  the  same 
Fernando  Cortes  tooke  in  liande  and  perfourmed, 
and  gott  all  the  honour  and  comoditie  from  him,  leav- 
inge  greate  wealthe  and  honour  to  his  posteritie,  and 
to  himself  an  everlastinge  name.  The  story  is  thus : 
Giouan  di  Grijalua  se  n'ando  a  Yucatan,  combattete 
con  quelli  Indiani  di  Ciapoton,  et  se  ne  ritorno  ferito ; 
entro  nel  fiume  di  Tauasco,  die  per  qucsto  si  chiama 
ora  Grijalua,  nel  qual  riscatto  o  cambio  per  cose  di 
poca  valuta  molto  oro,  robbe  di  cottone,  et  bcllissime 

cose  di  penne  ;  stette  in  San  Giouauni  di  Vlhua,  pig- 
is 


"It 


98 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


lio  possessione  di  quel  paese  per  il  Ee,  in  nome  del 
Goucrnatorc,  Diego  Velasquez  ;  et  cambio  la  sua  mer- 
ciaria  per  pezzi  di  oro,  coperte  di  cottone  et  penne  ;  et 
si  haucsse  conosciuto  la  uentura  sua,  haueria  fatto 
populatione  iu  paese  cosi  ricco,  come  lo  pregauano 
li  suoi  compagni  et  lui  saria  stato  quello  che  dipoi  il 
Cortes.  ]\Ia  tanta  uentura  non  era  riseruata  per  chi 
non  la  conosceua  ancora  che  si  scusaua  che  lui  non 
andaua  ])cr  populare,  se  non  per  riscattare  o  per- 
mutare  le  cose  che  leuaua  del  Gouernatore  ;  et  disco- 
prire  se  quella  terra  di  Yucatan  era  isola  o  terra 
ferma.  And  if  any  man  liste  to  knowe  what  inter- 
tainement  he  haa  of  his  uncle  at  his  returne  for  not 
inhabitinge  upon  the  present  occasion,  yt  followeth  in 
the  ende  of  the  same  chapiter  in  these  wordes :  Et 
quando  arriuo  non  lo  uolse  uedere  il  Gouernatore  suo 
zio,  clie  li  fece  quello  che  lui  meritaua. 

The  like  story  wee  have,  fol.  298.  of  Franciscus 
Lopez  di  Gomera  his  Generall  Plistorie  of  the  West 
Indies,  of  Vasques  de  Coronado,  which,  after  exced- 
inge  greate  chardges  bestowed  for  his  royall  furnish- 
inge  furthc  upon  his  voyadge  to  Ceuola  and  Quiuira, 
for  "/ante  of  courage  and  for  other  private  respectes, 
neglected  plantinge  there,  had  as  colde  welcome,  at 
his  dastardly  and  unconsidcrate  returne,  of  Don  Anto- 
nio di  Mendoza,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  as  Grijalua 
had  of  his  uncle  above  mentioned.  It  is  written  thus 
of  him  after  his  returne  from  Quiuira :  — 

Casco  del  cauallo  in  Tiguez  Francisco  Vasquez,  e 
con  il  colpo  usci  di  ceruello  et  disuariaua ;  questo 
caso  alcuni  credettero  che  fusse  finto,  altri  n'hebbero 


IL.^. 


WESTERNE    TLANTING. 


99 


grandissimo  dolore ;  quelli  che  I'mtendeuano  a  mala 
parte  stauano  male  con  lui  pei  che  non  si  metteua  a 
popolare.  And  a  little  afterwarde :  molto  dispiacque  a 
Don  Antonio  di  Mendoza  che  fusero  ritornati,  per  che 
haueua  speso  piu  di  sessanta  milla  pesi  d'oro  in 
quella  impresa.  .  .  molti  uolsero  restare  la,  ma  Fran- 
cesco Vasquez  di  Coronado,  che  ricco  era  et  nuou- 
amente  maritato  con  vna  bellissima  donna,  non  volse, 
dicendo  che  non  si  poteriano  sustentarsi  ne  difendere 
iu  cosi  povero  paese  et  tanto  lontani  del  soccorso ; 
caminarono  presso  a  tre  milla  miglia  di  longo  in 
questa  giornata. 

Notwithstandinge  these  colourable  excuses  and 
dispraisinges  of  the  contrie,  yt  is  described  by  rela- 
tion of  his  owne  companions  in  this  manner  in  the 
same  leafe :  e  Quiuira  in  quaranta  gradi  e  paese 
temperato,  di  bonissime  acque,  di  molto  herbatico, 
prugne,  more,  noci,  et  melloni,  et  vue  che  maturano 
benissimo ;  non  c  e  cottone,  et  vestono  pelle  di  vac- 
che  e  caprioli. 

The  greate  inconvenience  of  the  delaye  and  neg- 
lecte  of  plantinge  with  spede  of  goodd  contrics  newe 
discouered,  beinge  well  weyed  and  forcseone  by  John 
llibault,  made  him  to  plante  and  fortifie  at  his  iirste 
voyadge,  thoughe  it  were  but  with  thirtic  men ; 
which,  that  you  may  the  better  understande,  together 
with  the  wise  course  and  choice  of  place  which 
oughte  to  be  had  in  plantinge  and  seatinge  at  the 
iirste,  I  will  allcage  his  owne  wordcs  which  are  in 
tli(>  laste  leafe  of  his  fiiste  printed  voyadge :  Where- 
fo  e  (my  lorde),  saith  he,  I  truste  you  will  not  thincke 


The  rhofost 
piiiiitc  in  all 
newt;  discov- 
eries. 


4 


100 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


it  amisse  (consitlcringo  the  comoditios  that  may  be 
broughte  thence)  yf  wc  leave  a  nomber  of  men  there, 
which  may  fortifie  and  provide  themselves  of  thinges 
necessarie ;  for  in  all  newe  discoveries  it  is  the 
chefest  tliinge  that  may  be  don,  at  the  begynnynge  to 
fortifie  and  people  the  contrie.  I  had  not  so  soono 
set  fur  the  this  to  our  com  panic,  but  many  of  them 
ofFred  to  tary  there ;  yea,  with  suche  a  goodd  will 
and  jolly  courage,  that  suche  a  nomber  did  offer 
themselves  as  wee  had  moche  to  doe  to  stay  their 
iiiiportunitie ;  and  namely,  of  our  sliippe  masters 
and  pilotts,  and  suche  as  wee  woulde  not  spare. 
Howebeit,  wee  lefte  there  but  to  the  nomber  of  30  men 
in  all,  gentlemen,  souldiers,  and  maryners,  and  that 
at  their  owne  sute  and  prayer,  and  of  their  owne  free 
willes,  and  by  the  advise  and  deliberation  of  the  gen- 
tlemen sent  on  the  behalfe  of  the  Prince  and  yours. 
And  I  have  lefte  unto  them  for  heade  and  ruler,  fol- 
io winge  therein  your  pleasure,  Capitaine  Albert  de  hi 
Pierria,  a  souldier  of  longe  experience,  and  the  firste 
that  from  the  begynnynge  offred  to  tary  ;  and  further, 
by  their  advise,  choice,  and  will,  inscaled  and  forti- 
fied them  in  an  iland  on  the  northe  side  thereof,  a 
place  of  stronge  scituation  and  commodious,  upon 
a  river  which  we  named  Chenonceau,  and  the  habi- 
tation and  fortres,  Charles  Forte.  After  wee  had  in- 
structed and  duely  admonished  them  of  that  they 
shoulde  doe  (as  well  for  their  manner  of  procedinge, 
as  for  the  goodd  and  lovinge  behaviour  of  them),  the 
xj*!"  day  of  the  raoneth  of  June  last  paste  wee  de- 
parted from  Porte  Royall,  Sec. 


'-am 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


101 


tyine. 


Nowe,  to  leave  the  Spaniardes  and  Frenche  and  to 
come  to  ourselves  ;  scinge  it  hath  pleased  Almightie 
God  at  this  instant  to  reveale  unto  her  Majestic  and 
the  realm*  ''hat  once  aguinc  afreshe  wliich  was  in 
])arte  discovered  by  Sebastian  Gabote  and  other  the 
subjectes  of  this  lande  to  her  moste  famous  grand- 
father, Kinge  Henry  the  Seaventh,  and  was  then  The  cause 
lefte  of  and  caste  aside  and  not  sufficiently  reijarded  disi'iviriis 

*         '-'  went  not  lor- 

bv  occasion  of  the  warrcs  of  Scotland,  as  Sebastian  y:'.""''  "U 
himself  writes,  and  so  hath  bene  intermitted  for  the  '•'^'^^^"^'^'"''^ 
space  of  aboute  foure  score  and  sixe  yeares  —  if  nowe 
the  Queene,  her  Counsell,  and  other  subjectes  shall 
never  so  little  delaye  the  throughe  managingo  of  the 
cause  and  entringe  effectually  into  the  action,  let 
them  assure  themselves  that  they  will  come  to  late, 
and  a  day  after  the  faire  ;  ffor,  as  the  wise  man  saieth, 
Post  est  occaslo  calva.  For,  to  spcake  nothinge  of 
the  laste  yeres  preparation  of  the  Marques  de  la  Roche 
to  inhabite  and  i)lante  in  those  partes  nowe  discov- 
ered by  our  men,  which  preparation  was  luckely 
Gverthrowne  in  respecte  of  us,  by  reason  that  his 
greatest  shippe  was  cast  away  upon  the  trauers  of 
liurwage,  the  men  of  St.  John  de  Luze  sent  the  laste 
yere  to  sollicite  the  Frenche  Kinge  and  his  Counsell 
to  plante  there.  And  nowe  our  ncigliboures,  the  men 
of  St.  Maloe  in  Brytaine,  in  the  begynnynge  of  Au- 
guste  laste  paste,  of  this  yere  loS-l.  are  come  home 
with  five  shippes  from  Canada  and  the  contries  upp 
the  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  have  broughte  twoo 
of  the  people  of  the  contrie  home,  and  have  founde 
suche  swete  in  that  newe  trade  that  they  are  prepar- 


■>*i 


•I 


m 
w 

») 

m 
ai 

III 
u 

« 


i 

■ 

1 

102 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


itt 


inge  tcnne  shippcs  to  returne  thither  in  January 
ncxte,  as  one  John  de  la  IMarche  and  Mr.  Pryliouse 
of  (iarncsey  affirme ;  which  Mr.  Pryhouso,  beingo 
yet  in  London,  was  at  St.  Blalowe  within  these  five 
weekcs,  and  sawe  the  twoo  savages,  the  five  shippcs, 
and  the  riche  comodities,  and  understoode  of  the 
greatc  preparation,  and  lieth  nowe  at  London,  in 
Philpott  lane,  at  the  stone  house  there. 

And  that  it  may  be  knowen  that  not  oncly  the 
Frenche  afFccte  this  enterprise,  but  even  the  Duche 
longe  since  thoughtc  of  yt,  I  can  assure  you  that 
Abraham  OrteUus,  the  greate  geographer,  told  me, 
at  his  laste  beinge  in  Engliind,  1577.  that  if  the 
warres  of  Flaundcrs  had  not  bene,  they  of  the 
Lowe  Gentries  had  meant  to  have  discovered  those 
partes  of  America,  and  the  north  west  straite,  before 
this  tyme.  And  yt  semed  that  the  chefe  cause  of 
his  comynge  into  England  was  to  no  other  ende,  but 
to  prye  and  looke  into  the  secretes  of  Ffrobishcrs 
voyadge  ;  for  yt  Was  even  then,  when  Ffrobisher  was 
preparinge  for  his  firste  returne  into  the  north 
west. 

To  conclude :  yf  wee  doe  procrastinate  the  plant- 
inge  (and  where  our  men  have  nowe  presently 
discovered,  and  foande  it  to  be  the  best  parte  of 
America  that  is  lefte,  and  in  truthe  more  agreablc 
to  our  natures,  and  more  nere  unto  us,  than  Nova 
Hispania),  the  Frenche,  the  Normans,  the  Brytons, 
or  the  Duche,  or  some  other  nation,  will  not  onely 
prevente  us  of  the  mightie  Baye  of  St.  Lawrence, 
where  they  have  gotten   the    starte   of  us  already, 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


103 


thoughe  wee  had  the  same  revealed  to  us  by  bookcs 
published  and  printed  in  Englishe  before  them,  but 
also  will  depriue  us  of  that  goodd  lande  which  nowc 
wee  have  discovered.  Which  if  they  doe  (as  God 
(lefcnde  they  shouldc),  then  it  falleth  oute  that  wee 
shall  have  our  enemyes  or  doubtfuU  frcndes  roandc 
aboute  us,  and  shall  not  oncly  loose  a  singuler  com- 
oditie  and  inestymable  benefite,  but  also  incurr  great 
daunger  and  inconvenience  in  sufFcringe  Papistes, 
by  plantinge  rounde  aboute  us,  to  take  from  us  all 
succours,  and  to  lett  them  inriche  themselves  under 
our  noses,  to  be  better  able  to  supplant  or  over- 
ronne  us. 


ii 


m 
«« 

« 

M 


H 


101 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Cap.  XVI.     illcatlCS  to  kcpo  tliis  enterprise  from  overthrowe,  and  the  enter- 
prisers frum  shame  and  dislionour. 


«  1 


(I! 


n 


ISucrg  ncwe  enterprise  is  in  the  begynnyinge  bur- 
denous,  chardgcablc,  and  heavie,  and  moste  comonly 
hath  many  grcate  enemies  ;  which  i^  ♦^^he  t  '"o  that 
many  goodd  men,  much  affected  to  ^r  v^JL-.ti' -  in 
wittie  excellent  enterprises,  sinckc  i.  d  faiuie  under 
their  burden.  And  because  that  this  enteri)rise  "vhich 
wee  have  in  hande  or  in  purpose  (besides  that  it  is 
much  maliced,  specially  by  our  mightie  faction  of  the 
Papistes),  is  an  entcrprize  that  re(piireth,  beside  the 
favour  of  the  Prince,  no  small  chardge ;  therefore 
wee  are  to  devise  howe  the  burden  may  leste  tyme 
reste  on  the  backe  of  the  bearer  of  the  same,  that  he 
sincke  not  under  the  same,  but  that  he  maye  stande 
upp  in  full  strengthe,  and  goe  throughe  with  ease, 
fame,  and  profitt,  withoute  shame  of  all  the  bymedlers 
and  fauters  of  the  same.  And  entrcd  into  considera- 
tion hereof,  this  cometh  to  mynde :  that  the  firste 
chardge  of  the  navye  to  be  admitted  as  for  the  pres- 
ent deade  chardge  for  the  tymc,  howe  supply  of  the 
chardges  followinge  may  be  mayneteyned  and  borne ; 
for  in  that  standeth  one  greate  matter  that  ymporteth 
honour,  credite,  profite,  and  the  whole  sequele  of  the 
enterprize. 

Wee  are  induced  by  late  plaine  examples  of  the 
Frenche,  that  have  traficqued  in  those  partes  with 


WE8TERNE   PLANTING. 


105 


grciitc  profile,  to  bclove  that  upon  our  plantingc  wee 
shall  as  yt  were  defraye  as  well  the  firsto  chardges 
as  the  chardges  followingc,  by  the  comodities  in  traf- 
ficcjue  that  wee  shall  rcceave  by  passingc  into  the 
iiiliind  by  river  and  otherwise.  But  admittinge  the 
worse,  that  the  people  will  neither  reccave  our  com- 
odities nor  yelde  us  theirs  againe,  then  wee  are  to 
devise  of  ourselves  howe  wee  may  otherwise  at  the 
firste  countorvaile  our  chardges,  and  become  greate 
gayners,  will  or  nill  the  naturall  inhabitantes  of  those 
regions  or  others  ;  and  that  is,  by  enjoyingc  certaine 
uiiturall  comodities  of  the  landes  infinitely  aboundinge, 
in  no  accompts  with  them  and  Avith  us  of  greate 
piice,  which  is  this  way  to  be  broughte  aboute. 

The  soilcs  there  upon  the  seacoaste,  and  all  alongo 
the  tracte  of  the  greate  broade  mightic  ryvers,  all 
alonge  many  hundreth  miles  into  the  inland,  are  infi- 
nitely full  fraughte  with  swetc  wooddes  of  fFyrr, 
cedars,  cypres,  and  with  divers  other  kindes  of  goodly 
trees ;  and  settinge  upp  myllcs  to  sawe  them,  suche  sawe  miiies. 
as  be  common  in  Poland  and  in  all  the  north  easte 
regions,  wee  may  with  spede  possesse  infinite  masses 
of  boordes  of  these  swete  kindes,  and  these  frame 
and  make  ready  to  be  turned  into  goodly  chestes, 
cupboordes,  stooles,  tables,  deskes,  &c.,  upon  the 
returne.  And  consideringe  the  present  wante  of 
tymbor  in  the  realme,  and  howe  derely  the  cipres 
chestes  are  soldo  that  come  from  the  ilandcs  of  the 
Levant  seas,  and  lately  from  the  Azores,  to  BristoU 
and  the  westerne  havens,  these  may  be  bothe  amply 
and  derely  vented  in  all  the  portes  of  the  realme  and 

14 


■11 


P>    . 


FF" 


S 


•4 


tl 


106 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


i 


of  the  roiilmcs  ndjoyningc,  considcringo  that  in  this 
ngc  every  man  desireth  to  till  liis  house  with  all  man- 
ner of  goodd  furniture.  So  that  were  there  no  other 
peculiar  comodities,  this  onely,  I  say,  were  ynougho 
to  defraye  all  the  chardges  of  all  the  hegynnyngc  of 
the  cnterprizo,  and  tiiat  oute  of  hande  ;  for  suche  myl- 
wrightcs  may  casely  be  procured  from  suche  places 
Avhere  they  ahoundo,  and  some  suche  (possible)  be  in 
England ;  for  I  have  herde  of  a  frendc  of  myne,  that 
one  suche  mill  within  these  xxx"  yeres  was  sett  upp 
in  Worcestshere  by  a  knighte  of  that  contrie.  And 
one  man  onely  were  able  to  directe  a  thousande  of 
our  common  milvvrightcs  in  that  trade ;  and  carpiu- 
ters  and  joyners,  the  realrae  may  spare  thousandes 
for  a  nede. 

And  with  like  ease  and  shortenes  of  time  wee  may 
make  of  the  wooddes  there  pitche  and  tarr,  which  arc 
thingcs  fitt  for  our  navie,  and  marchandizes  of  goodd 
ventc  and  of  comon  needc. 

And  with  like  ease  wee  may  make  of  the  wooddes 
there  plcntie  of  sope  asshes,  a  comoditie  very  dere 
and  of  greate  and  ample  vent  with  us,  and  elswhere 
in  forrcn  kingdomes  of  Europe.  Also  wee  may  there 
prepare  for  pikes,  chasinge  staves,  oares,  halberts, 
and  the  like  for  cullen  clcftes  for  sundry  uses,  &c. 
And  also  wee  may  there,  withoute  payenge  for  tlie 
same,  have  tymber  to  builde  greate  navies,  and  may 
bringe  them  into  this  realme,  and  have  goodd  sale 
of  the  same. 

All  this,  I  say,  may  be  broughte  to  passe  if  wee 
wisely  plante,  upon  our  arryvall,  aboute  the  mouthes 


WE8TERNE    PLANTING. 


107 


of  grcatc  rivers  find  in  tho  ihiiulcs  of  the  same  ;  aiul 
so  wee  sluiU  liiive  the  sturtc  before  the  Freiuhe  juul 
nil  others ;  and  onr  people,  sente  thither  for  tho  pnr- 
])oses  nfore[siiide],  shall  be  ready  to  man  our  shii)pe3 
to  give  repulse  at  the  firste  to  all  suche  as  shall  (omo 
thither  to  sett  footc  to  our  annoyc. 

Thus  all  thingcs  removed  that  mightc  bringe  dis- 
couragemcnte,  the  firste  that  tookc  the  enteri)ri.se  in 
liunde  have  wonne  greatc  honour  and  highc  cstyma- 
tion  with  all  degrees  in  England,  and,  havinge  by  these 
former  meancs  wonne  to  defrayc  all  the  chardgcs  of 
the  brunte  of  thentorprise,  they  stande  full  able  to 
followe  the  same  withoute  cravinge  aide  of  the  ling- 
ringe  marchaunte,  and  have  the  possibilitio  onely  to 
themselves  of  the  trades  of  trafic(pie  with  the  people, 
which  they  may  bringe  aboute  eyther  with  curtesie, 
or  b\  pollicie  and  force,  as  by  joyninge  nowe  with 
this  petite  kinge,  and  nowe  with  that,  Sec. 

And  this  once  plaincly  founde  and  noted  in  Eng- 
land, what  noble  man,  what  gentleman,  what  mar- 
chante,  what  citezen  or  contryman,  will  not  offer  of 
himselfe  to  contribute  and  joyne  in  the  action,  for- 
•^^ccinge  that  the  same  tendeth  to  the  ample  vent  of 
our  clothes,  to  the  purchasingo  of  richo  comodities, 
to  the  plantinge  of  younger  brethren,  to  the  cmi)loy- 
ment  of  our  idle  people,  and  to  so  many  noble  endes  ? 
And  greate  joyninge  in  contribution  upon  so  hap])y 
begynnynges  geveth  abilitie  to  fortifie,  to  defende  all 
forrcn  force  in  divers  comodious  places  even  at  the 
firste. 


M 

h 

•I 

« 


108 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


V^' 


•A     •' 


C'.p.  XVII.  QLI)at  by  tliese  colonies  ti.e  north  west  passage  to  Cutliaio  ami 
Cliina  may  easely,  quickly,  an.l  perftrctly  be  s<'arche(l  onto 
as  well  by  river  and  overlan'lo  as  by  sea ;  for  proofo  wIutc- 
of  here  are  (juoted  ami  alleaged  divers  rare  tcstyinonies  ont(! 
of  the  thre(!  volumes  of  voyadges  gathered  by  Kamusius,  and 
other  "rave  authors. 


•l-:-1*r--^ 


In  tljc  thirde  volume  of  Xauigations  and  Voy- 
adgcs,  -jjatbcrcd  and  translated  into  Italian  by  ^Ir. 
John  Baptista  llanuisins,  fol.  417.  pag.  2,  1  readc  oi" 
John  Verarsanus  as  folio weth :  This  unhappy  cndc 
had  this  valiaunte  gentleman,  whoe,  if  this  misfor- 
tune had  iiot  appencd  unto  him  /"witli  the  singuler 
knowledge  that  he  had  in  sea  matters  and  in  the  arte 
of  navigation,  beinge  also  favoured  "with  the  greatc 
liberalitie  of  Kingc  Frannces),  woulde  have  discov- 
ered and  opened  unto  the-  worlde  that  parte  also  of 
lande  even  to  the  poole.  Neither  woidde  he  have 
contented  himselfe  Avith  the  outcside  and  sea  coastc 
onely,  but  woulde  have  passed  further  ui)p  within 
the  lande  so  farr  as  he  coulde  have  gon.  And  many 
that  have  knowen  him  and  talked  witli  him  have  told 
me,  that  he  saied  he  had  in  mynde  to  ])erswiide  the 
Frenche  Kinge  to  sonde  onto  of  Fraunce  a  gooch 
nomber  of  people  to  inhabite  certaine  ])laCi's  of  the 
said  coaste,  which  be  of  ayre  temperate,  and  of  soile 
moste  fertile,  with  very  fairc  ryvers,  and  havens  able 
to   receave  any  navic.      The    inhabitants    of  v/hich 


•   ^^^^rf■• 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


109 


s   to    Cathaio  and 

be  scarc'Iied  onto 

for  proof'e  wlu'it- 

e  testyinonies  onto 

by  Kainiisius,  ami 


ons    and   Voy- 

talian  by  Mr. 

2,  X  rcadc  of 

Linhappy  cndc 

if  this  misfor- 

1  the  singuler 

md  in  the  arte 

th  the  greatc 

have  discov- 

parte  also  of 

ulde  ho   have 

nd  sea  coastc 

iipp  within 

And  many 

lim  have  told 

)orswadc  the 

mce  a  <^ood(. 

)lac<'s  of  the 

and  of  soile 

1  havens  able 

its    of  v*diic'h 


places  mighte  be  occasion  to  bringe  to  passe  many 
goodd  efFcctes  ;  and,  amongcst  other,  to  reduce  those 
poore,  rude,  and  ignorannte  people  to  the  knowledge 
of  God  and  true  relligion,  and  to  she  we  them  the 
maimer  of  husbandrie  for  the  grounde,  transportinge 
of  the  beastes  of  Europe  into  those  excedinge  largo 
iind  champion  contrics ;  and  in  time  mighto  discover 
the  partes  within  lande,  and  see  if,  amongest  so  many 
ilandcs  there  be  any  passage  to  the  Southe  Sea,  or 
whitlier  the  firme  lande  of  Fflorida  contynewe  still 
oven  to  the  pole. 

Upon  occasion  of  these  laste  wordv^s  I  thi.ike  it  not 
aniisse  to  alleage  those  testimonies  tendingc  to  the 
])roofe  of  this  longe  desired  north  west  passage,  which, 
with  no  small  care  these  many  yercs,  I  have  observed 
ill  .ny  readinges  and  conferences  concerninge  the 
same  matter. 

1.  My  firste  authoritie  is  in  the  seconde  volume  of 
Kamusius,  in  the  discourse  of  the  discoverie  of  the 
iiiindcs  Freseland,  Iseland,  Engroneland,  Drogeo, 
and  Icaria,  made  in  the  northe  by  Sir  Nicholas  Zeny, 
Knighte,  and  Mr.  Anthony,  his  brother,  in  the  yere 
1:580,  In  which  discourse,  amonge  many  other 
tliinges  tendinge  to  the  proofe  of  this  passage,  I  finde 
this  recorded :  Scoprirono  vna  isola  detta  Estotilanda 
])osta  in  ponente  lontana  da  Frislanda  piu  di  mille 
niiglia  ;  whereof  I  gather,  that  whereas  still  he  calleth 
Estotiland  an  ilande,  and  that  it  is  distant  westwarde 
from  Frislande  more  then  a  thousande  miles,  that 
the  sea  is  open  above  five  himdreth  miles  fui'ther 
then   Frobisher  and  his  conipanie  discouered.     Ffor 


m 

M 

l> 

«1 
M 

31 

CI 

If 
»l 

v' 


110 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


he  himself  confcsscth  that  he  never  sailed  paste  five  or 
sixe  hundreth  miles  to  the  weste  of  Ffrisolande ;  and 
here  is  mention  made,  that  those  fishermen  that  dis- 
couered  the  iland  of  Estotiland  founde  it  to  be  more 
then  a  M.  miles  to  the  weste  of  the  same. 

2.  The  seconde  testimonie  to  prove  this  north  west 
passage  is  in  the  preface  of  the  aforesaide  Ramnsius 
before  his  thirde  volume,  where  he  alleageth,  in 
manner  followinge,  that  which  Sebastian  Gabote 
wrote  unto  him  concerninge  this  matter :  Many  yeres 
paste  I  was  w^ritten  unto  by  Sebastian  Gabote,  our 
contryman,  a  Vcnccian,  and  a  man  of  greate  experi- 
ence, and  very  singuler  in  the  arte  of  navigation  and 
in  the  knowledge  of  cosmo'^-  aphie,  whoe  sailed  alonge 
and  bcyonde  Nova  Francia,  at  the  chardgcs  of  Kinge 
Henry  the  seaventh,  Kinge  of  Lngland  ;  and  he  signi- 
fied unto  me,  that  havingc  sailed  a  longe  tyme  west 
and  by  nortlie  beyonde  those  ilandes  unto  the  latitude 
of  6 7.  degrees  and  [an  half]  under  the  north  pole,  on 
the  xj"'  day  of  June,  and  findinge  the  sea  open  and 
withoute  any  manner  of  ympcdymente,  he  thoughte 
vcrely  that  he  mighte  have  passed  by  that  way  unto 
Cathaia,  which  is  in  the  easte :  and  he  woulde  have 
done  yt,  if  the  rnutinie  of  the  shipmaster  and  unruly 
mariners  had  not  inforced  him  to  rcturne  honic- 
wardes  from  that  place.  But  it  semcth  (saith  llamu- 
sius),  that  God  doth  yet  reserve  to  some  greate  prince 
the  discoverie  of  this  voyadge  to  Cathaio  by  this  way, 
which,  for  the  bringinge  of  the  spicerie  from  India 
into  Europe,  woulde  be  the  moste  easie  and  shortest 
of  all  others  hitherto  founde   oute.     And  surely  this 


mn^ntm 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


Ill 


enterprize  woiilde  be  the  mostc  glorious  and  of  moste 
importaimce  of  all  other  that  any  coulde  ymag'ne,  to 
make  their  name  moche  more  cternall  and  ymmortale 
amonge  all  ages  to  come,  then  these  so  greate  tu- 
multcs  and  troubles  of  warres,  which  are  to  be  scene 
contynually  in  Europe  amonge  the  miserable  and 
unhappy  Christians. 

3.  Thirdly,  the  reporte  which  the  people  of  Hoche- 
laga  made  to  Jaques  Cartier,  in  the  viij'.'*  chapter  of 
his  seconde  relation,  of  the  river  three  moncthes  navi- 
gable to  the  southewarde,  dothe  not  a  little  confirme 
the  same. 

4.  Fourthly,  the  relation  of  the  people  of  Canada 
in  the  xij'!*  chapiter,  foUowinge  on  this  manner:  More- 
over they  tolde  us,  and  gave  us  to  understande,  that 
tlicre  are  people  cladde  with  clothe  as  wee  are,  and 
that  there  are  many  inl.abited  ^ownes  and  goodd  peo- 
ple, and  that  they  have  greate  store  of  golde  and 
redd  co])per,  and  that  upp  into  the  lande,  beyonde  the 
river  firste  above  mentioned,  even  to  Ilochelega  and 
Snguynay,  there  is  an  ile  environed  aboute  with  that 
and  other  rivers,  which  beyonde  Sagucnay  entreth  into 
twoo  or  three  greate  lakes ;  also  that  there  is  founde 
a  sea  of  freshe  water,  the  heade  and  endo  whereof 
there  was  never  man  founde  that  liad  throughly 
searched,  as  farr  as  they  have  hearde  say  of  them  of 
Saguenay,  for  they  (ds  they  signified  unto  us)  had  not 
bene  there  themselves. 

5.  Fyftly,  in  the  ende  of  that  seconde  relaiion  this 
postscripts  is  added  as  a  speciall  pointe,  to  witi :  that 
they  of  Canada  say  that  it  is  the  spr.ce  of  a  moone 


n 


CI 


*! 

« 

Ij 
•I 

•I 

ft) 


112 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


(that  is  to  say  a  moncth)  to  saile  to  a  lande  where 
cynamon  and  cloves  arc  gathered ;  and  in  the  Frenchc 
originall  which  I  sawe  in  the  Kingcs  liibrary  at  Paris, 
in  the  x\bbay  of  St.  Martines,  yt  is  further  put  downe, 
that  Uonnaconna,  the  Kinge  of  Canada,  in  his  barko 
had  traveled  to  that  contrie  where  cynamon  and 
cloves  are  had  ;  yea,  and  the  names  whereby  the  sava- 
ges call  tliosc  twoo  spices  in  their  owne  language  are 
there  put  downe  in  writinge. 

6.  Sixtly,  this  passage  is  likewise  proved  by  the 
double  rcporte  of  Vasques  do  Coronado.  For  firstc, 
he  beinge  at  Ceuola,  which  standeth  in  37.  degrees 
and  an  halfe  of  northerly  latitude  within  the  lande, 
he  had  this  informacion  of  the  people  of  that  place : 
Fanno  otto  giornate  verso  le  campagne  al  mare 
di  scttcntrione ;  whereby  I  gather  that  some  parte 
of  the  northernc  sea  ys  within  viij.  dales  journey  of 
Ceuola.  Againe,  when  he  was  aftcrwardcs  at  the 
towne  of  Quiuira,  which  is  scituated  by  the  sea  side 
in  the  latitude  of  40.  degrees,  he  founde  there  shi})pGS 
with  maryners,  which  had  the  pictures  of  a  birdc, 
called  Alcatrazzi,  in  silver  upon  their  bonnetts  and 
on  the  forepartes  of  their  shippes ;  which  signified 
that  they  were  thirtie  dales  sailingc  to  that  place ; 
whence  it  is  saied  that  they  muste  nodes  be  of  Cathaio 
or  China,  seinge  there  is  none  but  Spanishe  shippinge 
upon  all  the  coaste  of  the  backside  of  Ivioua  Spania. 

7.  Seaventhly,  the  people  of  Florida,  at  the  River 
of  May,  in  30.  degrees,  signified  to  John  Ribault  and 
his  company,  that  they  mighte  saile  in  boates  from 
thence  through  the  contrie  by  ryver  to  Ceuola  in  xx'.' 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


113 


daies.  These  are  the  wordes,  viz. :  As  wee  no  we  de- 
maunded  of  them  concerninge  the  towne  of  Ccuola 
(whereof  some  have  written  that  it  is  not  fiirr  from 
thence,  and  is  scituated  within  the  lande,  and  towardcs 
tiie  sea  called  Marc  del  Sur),  they  shewed  us  by  signes, 
which  wee  undcrstoode  well  ynoughe,  that  they  mighte 
goe  thither  with  their  boates,  by  rivers,  in  xx"  daies. 

8.  Eightiy,  Don  Antonio  di  Castillo,  embassador  to 
her  Majestic  from  Henry  the  Kinge  of  Portingale, 
toldc  me  here  in  London,  the  yere  before  his  departure, 
that  one  Anus  Corteriall,  Capitane  of  the  He  of  Tcr- 
ccra,  in  the  yere  1574:.  sente  a  shippe  to  discover  the 
northwest  passage,  which,  arryvinge  on  the  coaste  of 
America  in  51.  degrees  of  latitude,  founde  a  greate 
entraunce  very  dope  and  broade,  withoute  impedy- 
mente  of  ise,  into  which  they  passed  above  xx*? 
leagues,  and  founde  it  alwayes  to  tende  towardes  the 
southe.  The  lande  lay  lowe  and  plaine  on  either 
side.  They  woulde  have  gon  further,  but  their  victu- 
alls  drawinge  shortc,  and  beinge  but  one  shippe,  they 
returned  backe,  with  hope  at  another  tyme  to  make  a 
full  searcho  of  the  passage,  whereof  they  sawe  not 
small  likelyhoode. 

9.  Nynthly,  Don  Antonio,  Kinge  of  Portingale, 
shewed  me  in  Paris  this  present  somor,  a  greate  o  de 
rounde  carde  (out  of  which  Postellus  tooke  the  forme 
of  his  mappe),  that  had  the  northwest  straite  plainely 
sett  downe  in  the  latitude  of  57.  degrees. 

10.  Tenthly,  there  is  a  mightie  large  olde  mappe 
in  parchemente,  made,  as  yt  shoulde  seme,  by  Verar- 
sanus,  traced  ail  alonge  the  coaste  from    Florida  to 

16 


»t 

Jl* 

m 
m 

m 


.4 


H 


114 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


•  1 


V 


Cape  Briton,  with  many  Italian  names,  which  laioth 
oute  the  sea,  makinge  a  little  necke  of  lande  in  -ti). 
degrees  of  latitnde,  much  like  the  streyte  necke  or 
istmus  of  l)ariena.     This  mappe  is  nowe  in  the  cus 
todie  of  ^[r.  Michael  Locke. 

11.  Eleventhly,  there  is  an  olde  excellent  gloho  in 
the  Qneenes  privie  gallory  at  Westminster,  which  also 
semeth  to  be  of  Verarsanus  makinge,  havinge  the 
coaste  described  in  Italian,  which  laieth  oute  the  very 
selfe  same  streite  necke  of  lande  in  the  latitude  of  40. 
degrees,  with  the  sea  joynninge  harde  on  bothe  sides, 
as  it  dothe  on  Panama  and  Nombre  di  Dies ;  which 
were  a  matter  of  singuler  importaunce,  yf  it  shoulde 
be  true,  as  it  is  not  unlikely. 

12.  Twelvethly,  the  judgemente  of  Gerardus  "Mcr- 
cator,  that  excellent  geographer,  which  his  sonne, 
Rumolde  ^lercator,  shewed  me  in  a  letter  of  his,  and 
drewe  oute  for  me  in  writinge,  of  wise  men  is  not 
lightly  to  be  regarded.  These  were  his  wordes: 
Magna  tametsi  pauca  de  noua  nauigatione  scribis, 
quam  miror  ante  multos  annos  non  fuissc  attentatam. 
Non  enim  dubium  est  quin  recta  et  breuis  via  pateat 
in  occidentem  Cathaium  vsque.  In  quod  regnum,  si 
recte  nauigationem  instituant,nobilissimas  totius  mundi 
merces  colligent,  et  raultis  gentibus  adhuc  idololatris 
Christi  nomen  communicabunt.  You  write  (saieth  he 
to  his  Sonne)  greate  matters,  thoughe  very  brefely,  of 
the  newe  voyadge,  ^^hereat  I  wonder  that  it  was  not 
these  many  yeres  heretofore  attempted :  fFor  there  is 
no  doubte  but  there  is  a  streighte  and  shortc  waye 
open  into   the  west,  even  to  Cathaio.      Into  which 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


115 


kini?(lomc,  if  they  governe  their  voyadgc  well,  they 
shall  gather  the  moste  noble  marehandize  of  all  the 
worlde,  and  shall  nake  the  name  of  Christe  to  be 
knowcn  to  many  idolaters  and  heathen  people. 

1;}.  Hereunto  agreeth  the  relation  of  Monsieur  de 
Lcau,  an  honest  gent  of  Morlcux,  in  Britaine,  which 
toldc  me  this  springe,  in  the  presence  of  divers  Eng- 
lishe  men  at  Paris,  that  a  man  of  St.  Malowe  this 
laste  yere  discovered  the  sea  on  the  back  side  of 
1  iochelaga. 

14.  Moreover,  the  relation  of  David  Ingram  con- 
iirmoth  the  same  ;  for,  as  he  avowcheth  and  hath  put 
it  downe  in  writinge,  ho  traveled  twoo  daies  in  the 
sightc  of  the  North  Sea. 

15.  Againe,  the  prohibition  which  Kingc  Phillippe 
hath  made,  that  none  of  his  pilotts  shall  discover  to 
the  nortlie  wardes  of  45.  degrees,  may  seme  chefely  to 
j)iocede  of  these  two  causes  :  the  one,  leaste  passinge 
further  to  the  northe,  they  mighte  fall  upon  the  open 
passage  from  Mare  del  Sur  into  our  Northerne  Sea  ; 
the  other,  because  they  have  not  peoi)le  ynoughe  to 
posscsse  and  kepe  the  same,  but  rather  in  tyme 
shoulde  open  a  gappe  for  other  nations  to  passe  that 
wayc. 

IG.  Lastly,  I  will  ende  with  the  earnest  petition 
and  constant  assertion  of  llamusius,  in  his  tirste  volume, 
fol.  374.  where,  speakingc  of  the  severall  waies  by 
which  the  spicery,  bothe  of  olde  and  of  late  yercs,  hath 
bene  broughte  into  Europe,  he  useth  these  spcaches 
in  the  person  of  another :  AVhy  doe  not  the  princes 
(saieth  he),  which  are  to  deale  in  these  affaires,  sonde 


SI. 

I) 


116 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


furthe  twoo  or  three  colonics  to  inliabite  tlic  contric, 
and  to  reduce  this  savage  nation  to  more  civilitie, 
considcringo  what  a  battle  and  frutefuU  soile  it  is, 
how  replenished  with  all  kinde  of  graine,  howe  it  is 
stored  with  all  kinde  of  birdes  and  bcastes,  with 
such  faire  and  mightie  rivers,  that  Capitaine  Carticr 
and  his  conipanie  in  one  of  them  sailed  upp  an  C 
and  fi|j.  leagues,  findingc  the  contrie  peopled  on 
bothe  sides  in  greate  aboundaunce ;  and,  moreover,  to 
cause  the  goucrnours  of  those  colonies  to  sonde  furthe 
men  to  discouer  the  northe  landes  aboute  Terra  de  l-a- 
brador,  and  west  north  west  towardes  the  seas,  which 
are  to  sailc  to  the  contric  of  Cathaio,  and  from  thence 
to  the  ilaudcs  of  ISlolucka.  These  are  enterprises  to 
purchase  ymmortal  praise,  which  the  l^ord  Antony 
de  Mcndoza,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  willinge  to  put  in 
execution,  sente  furthe  his  capitaines,  bothe  by  sea 
and  landc,  upon  the  northwest  of  Nona  Spania,  and 
discovered  the  kingdomcs  of  the  seaven  cities  aboute 
Ceuola ;  and  Franciscus  Vasques  de  Coronado  passed 
from  INlexico  by  lande  towardes  the  northwest  28;3(). 
miles,  in  so  moche  as  he  came  to  the  sea  which  licth 
betwcne  Cathaio  and  America,  where  he  mett  with 
the  Cathaian  shippes  ;  and,  no  doubte,  if  the  Frcnche 
men,  in  this  their  Nova  Francia,  woulde  have  discov- 
ered upp  further  into  the  lando  towardes  the  west 
noi'thwest  partes,  they  shoulde  have  founde  the  sea 
and  have  sailed  to  Cathaio. 

Thus  farr  Ilamusius. 

God,  which  doth  all  thinges  in  his  due  time,  and 
hath  in  his  liande  the  hartes  of  all  Princes,  stirr  upp 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


117 


the  myndc  of  her  Majcstie  at  length  ♦^o  assistc  her 
moste  willinge  and  forwardc  subjcctes  to  the  per- 
fourmaunce  of  this  moste  godly  and  proiitable  action ; 
which  was  begonne  at  the  chardges  of  Kinge  Ilcnry 
tlie  vij*!'  her  grandfather,  followed  by  Kinge  Ilcnry 
the  Eighte,  her  father,  and  leftc,  as  it  scmeth,  to  be 
accomplished  by  her  (as  the  three  yercs  golden  voy- 
adgc  to  Ophir  was  by  Salomon),  to  the  makingc  of 
her  realme  and  subjcctes  moste  happy,  and  her  solfe 
moste  famous  to  all  posteritic.     Amen. 


I- 


M 

it' 


M 

m 
•I' 
M 

l> 


118 


DISCOURSE   CONXERMNO 


Cai'.XVIU.  ffiljat  the  Queeno  of  Eiiglnndes  titlo  to  all  tlio  West  Indies,  or  nt 
the  leuste  to  U8  nioclio  as  is  from  Florida  to  tlie  Circle 
articke,  is  more  lawfidl  and  riglite  then  tiie  Spaniardes,  or 
any  other  Christian  Princes. 

Co  confute  the  gcncrall  claime  and  unlawfull  title 
of  the  insatiable  Spaniardcs  to  all  the  West  Indies, 
and  to  prove  the  justenes  of  her  jNIajesties  title  and  of 
her  noble  progcnitours,  if  not  to  all,  yet  at  leaste  to 
that  ])arto  of  America  which  is  from  Florida  bcyonde 
the  Circle  articke,  wee  are  to  sett  downe  in  true 
order,  accovdinge  to  the  juste  observation  of  tynie, 
when  the  West  Indyes,  with  the  ilandcs  and  continent 
of  the  same,  were  firste  discoured  and  inhabited,  and 
by  what  nation,  and  by  whome.  Then  arc  wee  to 
answer  in  generall  and  particulerly  to  the  moste  in- 
jurious and  unreasonable  donation  grauntcd  by  Pope 
Alexander  the  Sixte,  a  Spaniarde  borne,  of  all  the 
West  Indies  to  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  and  their  suc- 
cessors, to  the  greate  prejudice  of  all  other  Christian 
Princes,  but  especially  to  the  domage  of  the  Kirgcs 
of  England. 

Ffor  the  firste  pointe,  wee  of  England  have  to 
she  we  very  auncient  and  auctenticall  chronicles,  writ- 
ten in  the  Welshe  or  Brittishe  tongue,  Avherein  wee 
finde  that  one  ^Sladock  ap  Owen  Guyneth,  a  Prince 
of  North  Wales,  beinge  wearye  of  the  civill  warres 
and  domesticall  dissentions  in  his  contrie,  made  twoo 


WESTKHNE    PLANTING. 


Ill) 


voyadgcs  outc  of  Wiilos,  ami  discoveiod  and  pluiitcd 
large  coutrics  which  he  fouiide  in  the  niayne  ocean 
south  wcstwarde  of  Ireland,  in  the  yero  of  onr  Lorde 
1170.  This  historic  is  also  to  be  scene  in  Knglislie 
in  itiintc,  in  the  booke  sett  furthe  this  ycre  of  the 
l*iiuces  of  Wales,  dedicated  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney. 
And  this  is  confirmed  by  the  language  of  some  of 
those  ])eople  that  dwell  t^pon  the  continent  i)etweno 
the  I  Jay  of  Mexico  and  the  Grande  Bay  of  New- 
foundelande,  whose  language  is  said  to  agree  with 
the  Welshc  in  divers  wordes  and  names  of  places, 
by  experience  of  some  of  our  nation  that  have  bene 
in  those  partes.  By  this  testimonie  it  api)ereth,  that 
the  West  Indies  were  discovered  and  inhid)ited  :J'2'J. 
ycrcs  before  Columbus  made  his  lirstc  voyadge,  which 
was  in  the  yere  141)2. 

Secondly,  the  acceptation  of  Columbus  his  offer  of 
the  West  Indies  by  Kinge  Henry  the  Seaventh,  at 
the  very  firste,  maketh  nioche  for  the  title  of  the 
Kinges  of  England,  althoughc  they  had  no  former 
iutorcst ;  which  I  will  here  putt  downe  as  I  finde  it 
in  the  eleventh  chapiter  of  the  historic  of  Ferdinan- 
dus  Columbus  of  the  relation  of  the  life  and  doinges 
of  his  father  :  This  practise,  saieth  he,  of  tlie  Kuige 
of  rortingale  (which  was  secretly  to  deprive  him  of 
the  honour  of  his  enterprise),  bcinge  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  Admyrall,  and  havinge  lately 
buried  his  wife,  he  conceavcd  so  greute  hatred 
againste  the  citie  of  Lysbone  and  the  nation,  that  he 
detcrmyned  to  goe  into  Castile  with  a  younge  sonne 
that  he  had  by  his  wife,  called  Diego  Colon,  which 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14S80 

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120 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


«  I 


«  I 
»  1 
*  I 
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I 
I 


after  his  fathers  deathe  succcded  in  his  state.  But 
fearinge,  yf  the  Kinges  of  Castile  also  shoulde  not 
consente  unto  his  enterprise,  he  shoulde  be  con- 
strayned  to  begynne  againe  to  make  some  nevve  offer 
of  the  same  to  some  other  Prince,  and  so  longe  tyme 
shoulde  be  spente  therein,  he  sente  into  England  a 
brother  of  his  which  he  had  with  him,  named  Bar- 
tholmcwe  Columbus.  Novve  Bartholmewe  Columbus 
beinge  departed  for  England,  his  fortune  was  to  fall 
into  the  handes  of  pyrates,  which  robbed  him,  and  his 
other  companions  that  were  in  his  shippe,  of  all  that 
they  had.  By  which  occasion  and  meanes  of  his 
povertie  and  sicknes,  which  cruelly  afflicted  him  in  a 
strange  contrie,  he  deferred  for  a  longe  space  his 
embassage,  till,  havinge  gotten  upp  a  little  money  by 
makinge  of  seacardes,  he  began  to  practize  with 
Kingo  Henry  the  Seaventhe,  the  father  of  Kinge 
Henry  the  viij"'  which  nowe  reigneth ;  to  whome  he 
presented  a  general  carde,  wherein  these  verses  were 
written,  which  I  will  rather  here  put  downe  for  their 
antiquitie  then  for  their  elegancie : 

Terraium  quicunque  cupis  fuelicitcr  oras 
Noscere,  cuncta  decens  doct^  pictura  docebit 
Quam  Strabo  affirmat,  Ptoloma'us,  Pliiiius  at<iue 
Isidortis  :  non  vna  taiucn  seiitcntia  cuitjuo. 
ringitiir  lite  etiaui  nuper  sulcata  carinis 
Ilispanis  Zona  ilia,  prius  incognita  genti, 
Toirida,  (juaj  tandem  nunc  est  notissima  multis. 

And  somewhat  more  beneath  he  saied : 

Pro  authore  sive  pidore. 
Janua  cui  patrin;  est  nomen,  cui  Hartholoinicus 
C()luiid)us,  dc  terra  rubra,  opiis  edidit  istud 
Londonijs,  Anno  Domini  1480  atque  insuper  anno 
Oetai'o,  deeiinaijim  die  cum  tertia  niensi.s 
Februarij.     Laudes  Christo  cautentur  abunde. 


^vn'K'ffffnw.-, 


■"I'm 


"WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


121 


But  to  returne  to  the  Kinge  of  England  ;  I  say  that 
after  he  had  sene  the  gcnerall  carde,  and  that  which 
the  Adniyrall  Columbus  offred  unto  hmi,  he  accepted 
his  offer  with  a  cherefull  countenaunce,  and  sente  to 
call  him  into  England.  These  thingos  beinge  so,  wee 
nede  not  to  be  our  owne  judges,  but  are  able  to  prove, 
as  you  see,  by  a  forren  tostimonie  of  singuler  greate 
ancthoritie,  that  Christopher  Columbus,  beinge  in 
Portingale,  before  he  wente  into  Castile,  seiite  his 
brotlier  Bartholmewe  into  England  to  practise  with 
Kinge  Henry  the  Seaventh  aboute  the  discoverie  of 
the  West  Indies,  and  that  his  said  brother  made  his 
gcnerall  seacarde  of  this  secrete  voyadge  in  London, 
in  the  yere  of  our  Lorde  1488.  the  xiijV'  of  February, 
above  foure  yeres  before  Christopher  was  sett  oute 
upon  his  firste  voyadge  by  the  Princes  of  Spaine, 
Ferdinando  and  Isabella,  which  was  the  thirde  of 
Auguste,  1492.  It  appereth  also,  that  the  onely  cause 
of  his  slowe  dispatche  was  his  fallinge  into  the  handes 
of  py rates,  which  spoiled  him  and  his  companie  of 
all  that  they  had ;  whereby  he  was  inforced  a  longe 
tyme  to  worke  in  London  in  makinge  instrumentes 
and  seacardes  to  get  somewhat  aboute  him,  that  he 
niightc  come  in  some  honest  furniture  to  the  Kinges 
presence.  Also,  that  there  was  no  delayc  nor  wante 
of  goodd  will  of  the  Kinges  parte  to  sett  furthe  the 
action,  whoe  willingly  condescended  to  all  Columbus 
demaundes ;  as  is  further  to  be  scene  in  the  60  chapi- 
ter of  the  same  historic,  where  I  reade,  that  Barthol- 
mewe Columbus,  havinge  agreed  with  the  Kinge  of 
England  upon  all  capitulations,  and  returningc  into 

16 


CI 


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m 


a. 


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I  I 
I  , 


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» 1 

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IMB;::; 

11  r 

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IB 

■■■HK-' 

122 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Spaine  by  France  to  fetehe  his  brother,  when  he 
hearde  newes  at  Paris  that  he  had  conckided  in  the 
meane  season  with  the  Kinge  of  Spaine,  and  was 
entred  into  the  action  for  him,  was  not  a  little  vexed 
for  his  brothers  abusinge  the  Kinge  of  England, 
which  had  so  curteously  graunted  all  his  reqnestes  and 
accepted  of  his  offer.  But  Christofer  not  receavinge 
so  spcdy  aunswer  as  he  hoped  for  from  his  brother 
cute  of  England,  by  reason  of  his  fallinge  into  pirates 
handes,  as  is  aforesaide,  and  not  by  reason  of  any 
slacknes  or  unwillingnes  of  the  Kinge,  in  the  meane 
season,  for  feare  of  beinge  prevented  by  the  Portin- 
galcs,  which  once  before  in  secrete  manner  had  gon 
aboute  to  take  the  honour  of  the  action  oute  of  his 
handes,  was  stirred,  contrary  to  honesty,  to  pi  aye  orx 
bothe  handes,  and  to  deale  with  the  Princes  of  Spaine 
before  he  had  receaved  the  Kinge  of  Englandcs 
resolucion. 

But  leavinge  this  abuse  offered  to  the  Kinge  of 
England  either  by  Christopher  Columbus  or  the 
Kinges  of  Spaine,  in  takinge  that  entei  rise  oute  of 
his  handes  which  was  firste  sente  to  him,  and  never 
refused  by  him,  and  to  put  the  case  that  Columbus 
firste  discovered  part  of  the  ilandes  of  Hispaniola 
and  Cuba,  yet  wee  will  prove  moste  plainely,  that  a 
very  greate  and  large  parte,  as  well  of  the  continent 
as  of  the  ilandes,  was  firste  discovered  for  the  Kinge 
of  England  by  Sebastian  Gabote,  an  Englislie  man, 
borne  in  bristoll,  the  sonne  of  John  Gabote,  a  Venc- 
sian,  in  the  yere  of  our  Lorde  1496;  as  an  Italian 
gent,  a  greate   philosopher  and  mathematitian,  wit- 


■^"•""•IF 


rf, 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


123 


iiesseth,  which  hardc  the  same  of  his  owne  raouthe ; 
and  there  were  many  then  also  lyvinge,  which  wente 
with  him  in  that  voyadge,  which  coulde  have  proved 
him  a  har  yf  it  had  bene  otherwise.  These  be  the 
very  wordes  of  this  gent,  which  he  uttered  to  certen 
noblemen  of  Venice  upon  the  disputation  conccrn- 
inge  the  voyadges  of  the  spicerye :  Knowe  ye  not 
(quoth  he)  to  this  effecte,to  goe  to  finde  the  Easte 
Indies  by  the  north  west,  that  which  one  of  your  citie 
hath  done,  which  is  so  skilfull  in  the  arte  of  navigacion 
and  cosmographie,  that  he  hath  not  his  like  in  Spaine 
at  this  day]  And  his  sufficieucie  hath  so  greately 
advaunced  him,  that  the  Kinge  hath  given  him  the 
oversighte  of  all  the  pilotts  that  saile  to  the  West 
Indies,  so  that  withoute  his  hcence  they  cannot  med- 
dle in  this  arte,  by  reason  whereof  they  call  him  the 
GIraund  Pilott.  This  was  Segnior  Sebastian  Gabote, 
which  I  went  to  see,  beinge  mysolfe  in  Cyvill  certen 
yeres  paste,  whome  I  founde  to  be  a  moste  curteous 
and  gentle  person.  After  he  had  made  very  moche 
of  me,  and  geven  me  goodd  entertainment,  he  shewed 
me  many  singularities  which  he  had ;  and  amonge 
the  rest,  a  greate  mappc  of  the  worlde,  wherein  were 
marked  and  described  all  the  particuler  navigations 
as  well  of  the  Portingalos  as  of  the  Castilians.  And 
he  declared  unto  me,  that,  his  father  beinge  departed 
from  Venyce,  he  wente  to  dwell  in  England  for  trade 
of  marchandize,  and  caried  him  with  him  to  the  citie 
of  London,  thoughe  he  were  very  younge  ;  yet  for  all 
that  not  so  younge  but  that  he  had  studied  [letters] 
of  humanitie    and    the    sphere ;    moreover,  that  his 


m 
» 

M 
M 

m 


124 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


I 

c, 

i  I 


•  1 

»  I 

(  : 


father  died  aboute  the  tyme  that  the  newes  came  that 
Christopher  Colon  had  discovered  the  coaste  of  the 
West  Indies,  and  there  was  no  other  talke  but  of  that 
in  the  Courte  of  Kingc  Henry  the  vij".'  which  reigned 
then  in  England.  Whereof  every  man  saicd,  that 
yt  was  rather  a  thinge  devine  then  humainc,  to  have 
founde  out  that  way  never  knowen  before,  to  goe  by 
the  west  into  the  easte.  This  brute  of  Segnior  Colum- 
bus did  so  iniiame  my  harte,  that  I  determyned  also 
to  doe  some  notable  thinge.  And  knowinge  by  the 
reason  of  the  sphere,  that,  in  directinge  my  course 
righte  towarde  the  north  weste,  I  shouldc  shorten  the 
way  greately  to  goe  to  the  Easte  Indies,  without  delaye 
I  gave  the  Kinges  Majestic  to  undcrstande  of  myne 
opinion,  which  was  marveylously  well  pleased ;  and 
he  furnished  me  of  twoo  shippes,  with  all  thinges 
necessarie ;  and  this  was  in  the  vere  14:96.  in  the  be- 
gynnynge  of  somer.  And  I  began  to  saile  towardes 
the  north  west,  thinckinge  to  finde  no  lande  savinge 
that  where  Cathaio  is,  and  from  thence  to  turne 
towardes  the  Indies.  But  after  certaine  daies,  I  dis- 
coured  lande  which  ronneth  towardes  the  northc, 
wherewithall  I  was  excedingly  agreved ;  notwith- 
standinge  I  ceassed  not  to  ronne  alonge  that  coaste 
towardes  the  northe,  to  see  yf  I  coulde  finde  any  gulfe 
which  turned  towardes  the  north  weste,  until  I  came 
to  the  heighte  of  56.  degrees  of  our  pole.  Beinge 
there,  I  sawe  that  the  coaste  turned  towarde  the 
easte,  and,  beinge  oute  of  hope  to  finde  any  straite,  I 
turned  backe  againe  to  searche  out  the  said  coaste 
towarde  the  cquinoctiall,  with  intention  alwayes  to 


■^^ip 


n 


WESTERN  E    PL  ANTING. 


125 


nie. 


finde  some  passage  to  the  Indies ;  and  in  followinge 
this  coaste  I  sailed  as  fair  as  that  parte  which  at  this 
present   they  call    Florida ;    and  nowe  my  victualls  tiip  cause 

/.   .,.  1     r   -If  1  X  M      1  PI  1  wliv  vlu' ili8- 

lailinge  and  lallnige  shorte,  1  sailed  no  further,  but  n.vcry  was 

°  .  .  lutleofiu 

lefte  the  coaste  there  and  sailed  into  England,  where  •>i"«''  "•"••y 

f  '  the  Seav- 

I  was  no  sooner  arryved  but  I  founde  greate  troubles  *""''* *>' 
of  the  people,  that  were  upp  in  armes  by  reason  of 
the  warres  in  Scotland  ;  whereby  the  voyadgc  to  those 
partes  was  laide  aside  for  that  time,  and  had  in  no 
further  consideration. 

Upon  this  relation.  Monsieur  Popiliniere,  beinge 
a  Frenclieman,  in  his  seconde  booke,  Des  Trois 
IMondes,  infcrreth  these  speaches :  This,  then, 
was  that  Gabote  which  firste  disroverod  Florida 
for  the  Kinge  of  England,  so  that  the  ]*]nglishe 
men  have  more  righte  thereunto  then  the  Span- 
iardes,  yf,  to  huve  righte  unto  a  contrie,  it  sufficeth  to 
have  firste  scene  and  discovered  the  same. 

Howbeit,  Gabota  did  more  then  see  the  contrie,  for 
he  wente  on  lande  on  divers  places,  tooke  possession  of 
the  same  accordinge  to  his  patente,  which  was  graunted 
to  his  father,  John  Gabot,  to  Lewes,  himself,  and  San- 
cius,  his  brethren,  beinge  to  be  sene  in  the  Holies  and 
extant  in  printe  ;  and,  moreover,  he  broughte  home 
three  of  the  savages  of  the  Indies,  as  Fabian,  in  his 
ancient  Chronicle,  dothe  write,  declaringe  their  ap- 
parell,  feedinge,  and  other  manners,  which,  he  saieth, 
he  observed  himselfe  in  the  Courte  at  Westminster, 
where  he  sawe  twoo  of  them,  twoo  yeres  after  they 
were  broughte  into  England,  in  Englishe  apparell. 
Nay,  that  which  is  more,  Gabota  discovered  this  longe 


4 


^) 


A4 
•1 

■Ml 
•1 
M 


1 

1^ 

J' 

1  ' 

126 


DISCOURSE    CONCERMNG 


N  f  land 
discoverd. 


tracte  of  the  firmc  lande  twoo  yeres  before  Columbus 
ever  sawc  any  parte  of  the  continentc  thereof.  For 
the  firste  parte  of  the  firme  lande,  called  Paria,  and 
Bocca  di  ])ragone,  that  is  to  say,  the  Dragons  Mouthe, 
bcmge  to  the  southe  of  the  iland  of  Ilispaniola,  was 
discovered  by  him  in  his  thirde  voyadgc  ;  which,  as 
Peter  Martir  de  Angleria,  which  was  one  of  the  coun- 
ccll  of  the  West  Indies,  wryteth,  was  in  the  yere  1498  ; 
which  is  confirmed  by  Ferdinandus  Columbus,  his 
owne  Sonne,  which  was  with  his  father  in  the  voy- 
adge  (as  Oviedo  confcsseth,  libr.  19.  cap.  1.),  and  wrote 
a  journall  of  that  voyadge,  shewinge,  in  the  67.  chapi- 
ter of  his  historic,  that  his  father  firste  sawe  the  firme 
lande  the  firste  of  Auguste  in  the  yere  1-198.  But 
Gabote  made  his  greate  discoverie  in  the  yere  1496. 
as  he  testificth  in  his  relation  above  mentioned.  And 
the  day  of  the  moncth  is  also  added  in  his  owne 
mappe,  which  is  yn  the  Queenes  privie  gallorie  at 
Westminster,  the  copye  whereof  was  sett  oute  by  Mr. 
Clemente  Adams,  and  is  in  many  marchantes  houses 
in  London.  In  which  mappe,  in  the  chapiter  of 
Newfouudelande,  there  in  Latyn  is  put  downe,  besides 
the  yere  of  our  Lorde,  even  the  very  day,  which  was 
the  day  of  St.  John  Baptiste;  and  the  firste  lande  which 
they  sawe  they  called  Prima  Visa  or  Prima  Vista  ;  and 
Mr.  lloberte  Thorne,  in  his  discourse  to  Doctor  Ley, 
Kinge  Henry  the  Eights  embassador  to  Charles  the 
Emperour,  afhrmeth  that  his  father  and  one  Hughe 
Elliott,  of  Bristoll,  were  the  firste  persons  that  descried 
the  lande.  This  case  is  so  clere  that  the  Spaniardes 
themselves,  thoughe  full  sore  againste  their  willes,  are 


'  •'■■f  I 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


127 


constrained  to  yioldc  unto  us  therein.  For  Francis- 
rus  liOpcz  de  Gomera,  in  the  l.chapitor  of  his  secondc 
booke  of  his  Generull  Historic  of  the  Indies,  confesscth 
that  Sebastian  was  the  lirste  discoverer  of  all  the  coasto 
of  the  West  Indies,  from  58.  degrees  of  northerly  lati- 
tude to  the  hcighte  of  38.  degrees  towardes  the  equi- 
noctiall.  He  whiche  broughte  moste  certeine  newcs 
of  the  contrie  and  people  of  Baccalaos,  saietli  Gomera, 
was  Sebastian  Gabot,  a  Venesian,  which  rigged  up 
ij.  shippcs  at  the  costc  of  Kinge  Henry  the  Seavcnth 
of  England,  havinge  greate  desire  to  trafic(pie  for  the 
spices  as  the  Portingales  did.  He  carried  with  him 
CCC.  men,  and  tooke  the  way  towardes  Island  from 
beyondc  the  Cape  of  Labrador,  untill  he  founde  him- 
selfe  in  58.  degrees  and  better.  He  made  relation 
that,  in  the  moneth  of  July,  it  was  so  colde  and  the 
ise  so  greate,  that  he  durste  not  passe  any  further ; 
that  the  daies  were  very  longe,  in  a  manner  withoute 
any  nighte,  and  for  that  shorte  nighte  that  they  had 
it  was  very  clere.  Gabot,  feelinge  the  colde,  turned 
towardes  the  west,  refreshinge  himselfe  at  Baccalaos  ; 
and  afterwardes  he  sailed  alonge  the  coaste  unto  38 
degrees,  and  from  thence  he  shaped  his  course  to 
returnc  into  England. 

Moreover,  this  Fraunces  Lopez  de  Gomera  ac- 
knowledgeth,  in  his  firste  booke  and  xxj'^  chapiter  of 
his  Generall  Historic  of  the  Indies,  that  Columbus, 
on  liis  thirde  voyadge,  sett  outc  from  St.  Lucar  of 
Buramcda,  in  Spaine  in  the  endc  of  May,  anno  1-497. 
In  which  thirde  voyadge,  at  lengthc,  after  many 
greate  dangers  by  the  way,  he  arryved  in  the  firme 


i' 


•1 


t) 


ir 


128 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


liindo  of  the  Indies,  towardes  the  province  called 
Paria,  whicli  all  the  Spanishc  authors  ronfesse  to 
have  bene  the  firste  of  the  continent  that  waj  dis- 
covered for  the  Kinges  of  Spaine. 

So  to  conclude ;  whether  wee  belevc  the  testimoinc 
of  Peter  Martir  and  Ferdinandus  Columbus,  whidi 
affirnie  that  Christopher  Columbus  discovered  tlu; 
firme  firste  in  anno  1498.  a  greate  and  large  tracte  of 
the  contincnte  of  the  Indies  was  discovered  by  Gabot 
and  the  Englishe  above  tvvoo  yeres  before,  to  witt,  in 
the  yere  1490,  in  the  moncths  of  June  and  July;  or 
whether  wee  be  contcnte  to  yelde  to  Gomcra,  which 
saietli  Columbus  sett  furthe  of  the  discovery  of  the 
firme  lande,  1497 ;  yet  wee  of  England  are  the  firste 
discoverers  of  the  continent  above  a  yere  and  more 
before  them,  to  witt,  1496.  or,  as  Clement  Adams 
saieth,  1494.  in  the  chapiter  of  Gabotts  mapp  De 
terra  nova,  which  is  above  three  yeres  before  the 
Spaniarde,  or  any  other  for  the  Kinges  of  Spaine, 
had  any  sighte  of  any  parte  of  the  firme  lande  of  the 
Indies.  At  leaste  wise,  by  Gomera  his  owne  con- 
fession, from  58.  degrees  of  northerly  latitude  to  38. 
towardes  the  equinoctiall,  we  have  beste  righte  and 
title  of  any  Christian.  As  for  the  discovery  of  John 
Ponce  of  Leon,  beinge  in  anno  1512.  yt  cannot  be 
prejudicial!  to  our  title,  as  beinge  made  sixtene  yeres 
after  Gabotes  voyadge. 


•  fill  III 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


129 


Qln  aunSUJCr  to  the  Bull  of  tho  Donation  of  all  tlio  West  Indies     Cap.  XIX. 
graunted  to  the  Kingcs  of  Spaine  by  Popo  Alexander  the 
Vlth,  whoo  was  himselfe  a  Spaniarde  borne. 


It  t 
1  f 


SlimijcrcaS  Fraunces  Lope/  tie  Gomevii,  in  the  19. 
chapiter  of  his  firsto  booke  of  his  Gcncrall  Historic  of 
the  Indies,  puttcth  downc  that  Pope  Alexander  the 
YIth,  of  his  proper  will  and  of  his  ownc  mere  motion, 
with  the  consente  of  his  Cardinalls,  gave  of  his  free 
grace  to  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  all  the  iles  and  firme 
landes  which  they  shoulde  discover  towardes  the 
west,  and  there withall  alledgeth  the  Bull  itselfe ;  I 
auuswer,  that  no  Pope  had  any  lawfull  aucthoritie  to 
give  any  such  donation  at  all.  For  proofe  whereof,  I 
say  that,  if  he  were  no  more  then  Christes  vycar,  as 
Gomera  calleth  him  in  that  place,  then  he  muste 
needes  graunte  that  the  vicar  is  no  greater  then  his 
Master.  Nowe,  our  Saviour  Christe,  beinge  requested 
and  intreated  to  make  a  lawfull  devision  of  inherit- 
aunce  betwene  one  and  his  brother,  refused  to  do  yt, 
saycnge,  Quis  me  constituit  judicem  inter  vos "?  Whoe 
made  me  a  judge  betwene  you '?  What  meaneth,  then, 
the  Pope,  not  beinge  spoken  to  nor  entreated,  of  his 
owne  proper  will  and  of  his  owne  mere  motion,  to 
meddle  in  those  matters  that  Christe  in  no  wise,  no, 
not  beinge  thereunto  instantly  requested,  woulde  not 
have  to  deale  in  ?     Againe,  our  Saviour  Christe  con- 

17 


Ml 

t 

130 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


I  ! 


•  1 


fesscd  openly  to  Pilato,  that  his  kingdomc  was  not  of 
this  woildo.  Why,  then,  doth  the  I'opc,  that  vvonlde 
be  Christos  servaunte,  take  upon  him  the  dcvisiou  of 
80  many  kingdomes  of  the  worlde  1  If  he  had  but 
remcmbred  that  which  he  hath  inserted  in  the  cndc 
of  his  owne  Bull,  to  witt,  that  God  is  the  disposer  and 
distributer  of  kingdomes  and  empires,  he  wouldo 
never  have  taken  upon  him  the  devidinge  of  them 
with  his  line  "  partition  from  one  ende  of  the  heavens 
to  the  other.  The  historic  of  the  poore  boye  wliome 
God  stirred  upp  to  confounde  and  deride  the  Span- 
iardes  and  Portingales,  when  they  were  devidinge  the 
worlde  betwene  themselves  alone,  is  so  well  knowen 
as  I  node  not  stande  to  rcpcatc  it.  But  it  is  the 
Popes  manner  alwayes  to  meddle,  as  in  this  matter, 
so  in  other  thinges,  where  they  have  nothinge  to  doe, 
and  to  intrude  themselves  before  they  be  called.  They 
mighte  rath(3r  call  to  mynde  the  counscll  of  the  goodd 
apostle,  who  tolde  godly  Tymothe,  the  Bisshoppe  of 
Ephcsus,  that  no  man  that  warreth  intanglcth  him- 
self with  the  affaires  of  this  presente  life,  because  he 
woulde  please  Ilim  that  hathe  chosen  him  to  be  a 
souldier ;  and  then  they  woulde  learne  to  kepc  them- 
selves witliin  the  lymites  of  that  vocation  and  ecclesi- 
astical! function  whereunto  they  are  called ;  whiche 
ecclcsiasticall  function  hath  nothinge  to  doe  with  ab- 
solute donation  and  devidinge  of  mere  temporalties 
and  earthly  kingdomes.  St.  Chrisostome,  in  his  dia- 
logue De  dignitate  sacerdotali,  saieth  that  the  mynis- 
terie  is  a  chardge  geven  by  God  to  teache  withoute 
armes  or  force,  and  that  the  same  is  no  power  to  give 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


131 


or  to  take  kingdomcs,  nor  to  make  lawcs  for  the  poli- 
tique govcrnenioute.  St.  Hillary  writes  as  moche  to  the 
Knip(>rour  Constuntinc  againsto  Auxentius,  13isshoi)po 
of  Milan.  Our  Saviour  Christe  hinisolfe  saietl"  t^ 
his  desciplcs,  that,  while  they  were  in  the  workle, 
they  shouldc  he  hroughte  before  kingcs  and  polliticiue 
magistrates  for  his  names  sake.  So  then  they  shoulde 
not  bo  judges  and  magistrates  themselves,  especially 
in  the  devisions  of  kingdomcs  ;  and,  to  leave  all  spir- 
ituall  men  an  example,  he  paid  tribute  and  toll  for 
himselfe  and  Peter,  and  submitted  himselfe  and  his 
apostles  under  the  civill  magistrate  and  politique 
go\ernemente  ;  yet  the  Pope,  whoe  saieth  he  is  Peters 
successor,  will  be  a  disposer  of  civill  causes  and  tem- 
poral! domynions.  The  Apostle  saieth,  Komaines  the 
13 :  Let  every  soule  be  submitted  unto  the  higher 
powers.  Nowe,  if  the  Popes  will  not  beleve  the  worde 
of  God  withoute  the  exposition  of  the  Fathers  of  the 
Churche,  at  leaste  let  them  beleve  St.  Chrisostome, 
and  give  eare  to  that  which  he  hath  written  u[)ou  this 
place :  That  these  thinges  be  comaunded  to  all  men, 
saieth  he,  botlie  to  prestos  and  monckes,  and  not 
onely  to  secular  or  laymen,  the  Apostle  declareth, 
even  in  the  very  begynnynge,  when  he  saieth  in  this 
manner :  Let  every  soule  be  subjecte  unto  their  higher 
powers,  thoughe  thou  were  an  apostle,  thougho  thou 
were  an  evangeliste,  thoughe  thou  were  a  prophet,  or 
thoughe  thou  were  any  other  whatsoever.  For  obe- 
dience dothe  nothinge  hinder  godlines. 

But  the  Popes  woulde  prove  that  they  may  give  and 
bestowe  kingdonies  upon  whome  they  please,  by  Sam- 


i 


Vi 


51 

|l 


,i 

J 

ir 


132 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


uels  example  that  annointed  David  and  deposed  Saul, 
of  Elyas  that  annoynted  Hazaell  Kinge  of  Siria 
instead  e  of  Benhadad,  and  Jehu  Kinge  of  Israeli 
insteade  of  Jehoram ;  as,  also,  by  the  example  of 
Jehoida,  the  highe  preste,  that  put  the  Queenc  Athalia 
to  deathe,  and  placed  Joas,  the  younge  sonne  of 
Ochosias,  in  the  kingdome.  All  those  examples  make 
nothinge  at  all  in  the  worlde  for  them ;  for  neither 
jSamuell,  nor  Elias,  nor  Elizeus  did  any  thinge  in  that 
matter  witboute  an  expresse  comaundement  and  all 
circumstances  from  the  mouthc  of  God  himselfe,  as 
appereth  rnoste  evidently  by  their  severall  histories  in 
the  Bible.  Samuell  also  did  his  comission  full  sore 
againste  his  will ;  and  EJias  and  Elizeus,  -with  greato 
fearc  of  their  lyves.  As  for  Athalia,  she  was  an 
usurper,  and  had  cruelly  murdered  as  many  of  the 
lawfull  inheritours  of  the  kingdome  as  she  coulde 
possibly  lay  handccs  on;  a'^d  therefore  Jehoiada,  the 
highe  preste,  not  of  his  owne  absolute  aucthoritie, 
but  by  the  helpe  of  the  Kinges  officers  and  joyfull 
consente  of  all  the  people,  caused  her  moste  justcly 
to  be  deposed  and  put  to  deathe.  He  was  also  uncle 
to  the  younge  Kinge.  by  manage  of  his  wife,  Jeho- 
sheba,  which  was  sister  to  Ahasai,  the  father  of  the 
younge  kinge,  and  therefore  bounde,  in  conscience 
and  affinitie,  to  helpe  him  to  his  righte  and  succour 
him  in  his  mynoritie.  Nowe,  when  the  Popes  have 
the  like  excellent  spirite  of  prophesie,  and  the  like 
chardgcs  and  expresse  comaundementcs  from  Gods 
owne  mouthe,  in  the  bchalfe  of  some  one  bv  name 
againste  some  one  which  God  by  name  woulde  have 


tWu 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


133 


deposed,  then  they  may  ymitate  them  in  pronouncinge 
unto  them  that  God  will  rente  t'leir  kingdomes  from 
this  or  that  kinge  for  his  synnes.  But  none  of  the 
Prophetts  made  bulls  or  donations  in  their  palaces, 
under  their  handes  and  seales  and  dates,  to  bestowe 
many  kingdomes,  which  they  never  sawe  nor  knewe, 
nor  what  nor  howe  large  they  were,  or,  to  say  the 
truthe,  whether  they  were  extant  ^"n  rerum  mdiira,  as 
the  Pope  hath  done  in  gevinge  all  the  "^  7est  Indies  to 
the  Kinges  of  Spaine.  He  shoulde  firste  have  don  as 
the  prophetts  dyd  ;  that  is,  he  shoulde  firste  have  gon 
himselfe  and  preached  the  worde  of  God  to  those 
idolatrous  kinges  and  their  people  ;  and  then,  if  they 
woulde  not,  by  any  meanes,  have  repented,  he  mighte 
have  pronounced  thu  severe  and  heavie  judgemente 
of  God  againste  them,  shewinge  oute  of  the  worde  of 
God  that  one  kingdome  is  translated  from  another  for 
the  sinnes  of  tne  inhabitantes  of  the  same,  and  that 
God,  in  his  justice,  woulde  surely  brins^c  some  nation 
or  other  upon  them,  to  take  vengcaunce  of  their  synnes 
and  wickednes.  And  thus  moche  not  onely  Popes, 
but  also  any  other  godly  and  zealous  bisshoppe  or 
myr.ister,  may  doe,  beinge  called  thereunto  by  God 
extraordinarily,  or  havinge  the  ordinarye  warranto 
of  his  worde. 

Yea,  but  the  Popes  can  she  we  goodd  recordes  that 
they  have  deposed  Emperors,  that  they  have  trans- 
lated empires  from  one  people  to  another,  as  that  of 
the  Easto  unto  the  Germaines,  and  that  they  have 
taken  kingdomes  from  one  nation  and  geven  them  to 
another.    In  deede,  in  some  respectes,  they  have  done 


m 
w 

M 

31 

:;< 

w 


^r 


134 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


'    I 


SO.  But  how  t.  They  never  gave  that  which  was  in 
their  actuall  possession,  yf  by  any  meanes  possible 
they  might  have  kepte  it  themselves.  It  is  an  easie 
matter  to  cutt  large  thonges,  as  wee  say,  of  other 
men's  hides,  and  to  be  liberall  of  other  men's  goodds. 
Neither  ys  it  any  marvai^e  thoughe  (as  Gomera 
saieth)  the  Pope  gave  all  the  West  Indies  of  his  free 
grace  to  the  Kinge  of  Spaine,  for  they  never  coste 
him  a  penye.  But  he  that  will  be  in  deede  and 
truthe  liberall,  ho  muste  give  of  his  owne,  and  not  of 
other  mens.  For  to  take  from  one  that  which  is  his, 
to  give  it  to  another  to  whome  it  is  not  due,  ys  plaine 
injurie  and  no  liberalitie,  thoughe  the  gifte  were  be- 
stowed upon  him  that  were  in  nede.  For  as  one 
saieth :  Eripere  altcri  fraudulenter  quod  alteri  des 
misericorditer,  iniustitia  quidem  est  et  non  eleemos- 
yna  —  to  take  from  one  fraudulently  to  give  to  an 
other  mercifully,  is  no  almes  nor  charitie,  but  plaine 
iniquitie.  The  Pope  shoulde  rather  have  sent  into 
the  West  Indies  store  of  godly  pastors  of  his  owne 
coste  freely,  then  to  have  geven  them  and  their 
gooddes  wrongfully  to  be  eaten  upp  and  devoured  of 
such  insatiable  and  gredy  wolves.  He  shoulde  have 
remembrcd  the  worde  of  our  Saviour,  whoe  saieth : 
Beatius  est  dare  quam  accipere  —  it  is  a  blessed 
thinge  to  give  rather  then  to  receave. 

The  Popes  say  they  gave  Ireland  to  Kinge  Henry 
the  Scconde  and  his  successors ;  and  indeede  they 
have  don  it  in  wordes.  But  when  gave  they  that  unto 
him  ?  Forsoothe  after  he  had  faste  footinge  in  it,  and 
when  Uerniutius,  the  King  of  Leynester,  had  firste 


f 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


135 


ofFred  to  make  the  Kinge  his  heive.  And  for  all 
their  donation,  yf  the  Kinge  had  not  by  his  force 
more  then  by  their  gifte,  holpe  himselfe,  the  Popes 
donation  had  stoodc  him  in  small  stede ;  neither  did 
the  Kinges  of  Ireland  admitt  and  allowe  of  the 
Popes  donation.  If  they  had,  they  woulde  never 
have  rebelled  so  ofte  againste  the  Crowne  of  Eng- 
land. To  conclude  this  pointe,  thoughe  wee  confesse 
that  the  Popes  have  don  this  or  that,  yet  yt  is  no 
goodd  ai-gumentc  to  say  they  did  it,  and  therefore  it  is 
lawfull,  unlesse  they  coulde  shewe  they  did  it  right- 
fully. De  facto  constat,  de  jure  non  constat.  And 
they  themselves  are  driven  to  confess,  that  their 
niedlinge  on  this  sorte  with  kingdomes  ys  not  direct- 
ly, but  indirectly.  But  suche  indirecte  dealinge  is 
warranted  neither  by  lawe  of  God  nor  men. 

Nowe  to  come  to  the  donation  itselfe,  wee  are  firste 
to  consider,  whoe  it  was  that  was  the  author  thereof; 
secondly,  unto  whome  it  was  made ;  thirdly,  what 
were  the  causes  and  inducementes  that  moved  the 
Pope  thereunto ;  fourthly,  the  fourme  and  manner 
of  the  donation ;  fyftly,  the  inhibition  of  all  other 
Christian  Princes,  and  the  penaltie  of  all  them  that 
shoulde  doe  the  contrarye ;  lastly,  the  recompence 
of  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  to  the  Sea  of  Home  for  so 
greate  a  gifte. 

1.  Touchinge  the  firste,  the  author  hereof  was 
Pope  Alexander  the  vj"/  whoe,  as  Platina  and  Onu- 
phrius  and  Bale  doe  write,  was  himselfe  a  Spaniarde, 
and  borne  in  Valencia,  of  the  familie  called  Borgia, 
and  therefore  no  marvell  thoughe  he  were  ledd  by 


-  1  ♦ 

^  ;r  * 


:|' 


a;  I 


m 

I* 

«1 
■» 

HI 

SI. 


136 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


IM 


parcialitie  to  favour  the  Spanishe  nation,  thoughe  yt 
were  to  the  prejudice  and  domage  of  all  others ; 
whiche  foule  faulte  of  his  may  hereby  appeare,  that 
havinge  in  all  the  time  of  his  Popedome  created  sixe 
and  thirtie  Cardinalles,  of  those  xxxvj.  he  made  xviij. 
to  witt  the  one  halfe,  Spaniardes,  as  Bale  dothe  tes- 
tifie,  vvritinge  of  his  life.  Nowe  let  any  man  be  judge, 
whether  that  were  extreame  parcialitie  and  ambition, 
to  make  Spaine  equal  in  that  pointe  with  all  the 
reste  of  Christendorne.  No  marvaile  therefore, 
thoughe  as  in  this,  so  in  his  donation,  he  was  be- 
yonde  all  reason  caried  away  with  blynde  affection  to 
his  nation ;  which  faulte  of  his  had  bene  more  to  be 
borne  withall,  yf  it  had  bene  in  a  private  or  small 
matter.  But  in  this  so  generall  and  comon  cause,  yt 
cannot  choose  but  be  altogether  intollerable.  If  any 
man  liste  to  see  this  man  painted  oute  further  in  his 
colours,  let  him  reade  John  Bale  in  his  Eighte  Cen- 
tury, where  he  shall  finde  so  many  of  his  badd  partes, 
as  a  man  woulde  thinke  he  coulde  not  be  a  fitt  man 
to  make  a  goodd  and  uprighte  judge  in  so  weightie 
a  matter  as  this. 

2.  The  persons  to  whome  he  made  this  donation 
were  Ferdinando  and  Isabella,  Princes  of  Spaine,  to 
whome,  and  to  their  heires  and  successors  for  ever,  he 
confirmed  the  same,  excludinge  all  other  Christian 
princes.  These  princes,  thoughe  otherwise  very  ver- 
tuous  and  comendable,  yet,  at  the  time  of  the  makinge 
of  this  donation,  were  more  unable  then  divers  other 
Kinges  of  Christendome  to  accomplishe  and  bringe  the 
same  to  effecte,  as  beinge  greately  ympoverished  with 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


137 


the  warres  of  Granadae,  so  farr  furthe  that  they  were 
constrained  to  soke  for  helpe  of  Kinge  Henry  the 
Vir.''  of  England,  to  subdue  the  Moores  in  their 
owne  contrie.  Yea,  Queene  IsabeUa  was  so  poore 
and  bare  that  she  was  faine  to  offer  her  owne  Jewells 
to  gage,  to  borowe  money  to  sett  furthe  Columbus  in 
his  firste  voyadge,  as  it  is  to  be  seene  in  the  14.chapi- 
tcr  of  the  Historye  of  Ferdinandus  Columbus,  his 
owne  Sonne.  It  is  also  well  knowen  that  the  Span- 
iardes,  for  wante  of  people  of  their  owne  contrie,  have 
not  bene  able  no  we,  in  the  space  of  f^y  and  xij. 
yeres,  to  inhabite  a  thirde  or  fourthe  parte  of  those 
excedinge  large  and  waste  contries,  which  are  as 
greate  as  all  Europe  and  Africke. 

3.  The  inducementes  that  moved  his  Ilolines  to 
graunte  these  unequall  donations  unto  Spaine  were, 
firste,  (as  he  saieth)  his  singuler  desire  and  care  to 
have  the  Christian  religion  and  Catholicque  faithe 
exalted,  and  to  be  enlarged  and  sprcdd  abroade 
throughoute  the  worlde,  especially  in  his  daics,  and 
that  the  salvation  of  soules  shoulde  be  procured  of 
every  one,  and  that  the  barbarous  nations  shoulde  be 
subdued  and  reduced  to  the  faithe,  &c.  To  this  I 
aunswer  that,  if  he  had  ment  as  in  deede  he  saieth, 
he  shoulde  not  have  restrayned  this  so  greate  and 
generall  a  worke,  belong! ngc  to  the  duetie  of  all  other 
Christian  princes,  unto  the  Kingcs  of  Spaine  onely,  as 
choughe  God  had  no  servauntes  but  in  Spaine ;  or  as 
thoughe  other  Christian  kinges  then  lyvinge  had  not 
as  greate  zeale  and  meanes  to  advaunce  Gods  glory 
as  they  ;    or  howe  mente  he  that  every  one  shoulde 

18 


II 


IM 
W 

l» 

«t 
■I 

fl 
»{ 

»[ 
Ml' 
«< 

t> 


138 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


» 1 


put  their  helpinge  hande  to  this  worke,  when  he  de- 
fended all  other  Christian  Princes,  in  paine  of  his 
heavie  curse  and  excomunicatyon,  to  meddle  in  this 
action,  or  to  employe  their  subjectes,  thoughe  yt  were 
to  the  conversion  of  thinhabitauntes  in  those  partes. 
And  whereas,  to  colour  this  his  donation,  he  addeth, 
that  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  had  bene  at  greate  chardges 
in  that  discoverie,  in  respecte  whereof  he  was  induced 
to  deale  so  franckly  with  them,  yt  is  evident  that  the 
Bull  was  graunted  in  the  yere  1493.  the  iiij'.''  of  the 
moneth  of  May,  at  what  time  Columbus  had  made 
but  one  voyadge,  wherein  he  was  furnished  onely 
with  one  small  shippe  and  twoo  little  caravells,  and 
had,  in  all  his  companie,  but  foure  score  and  tenne 
men,  and  the  whole  voyadge  stoode  the  Kinge  of 
Spaine  in  2500.  crownes  only.  So  these  2500. 
crownes  were  the  greate  chardges  that  the  Pope 
speaketh  of,  that  induced  him  to  graunte  so  large  a 
donation  ;  for  that  was  the  uttermoste  that  Columbus 
desired,  as  is  to  be  redd  in  the  l-l.chapiter  of  his  owne 
sonnes  historic. 

Moreover,  where  the  Pope  confesseth  he  was  in- 
formed, before  the  donation  of  his  Bull,  that  the 
Kinges  of  Spaine  had  purposed,  by  the  aide  of  God, 
to  subdue  and  reduce  unto  the  faithe  all  those  landes 
and  ilandes,  with  their  inhabitants,  whiche  Columbus 
had  founde  in  his  firste  discovery,  in  comendinge 
highly  of  this  their  intention,  he  semeth  to  confesse 
that  they  mighte  have  pursued  that  godly  action  very 
lawfully  withoute  makinge  of  him  privy  to  their  en- 
terprice,  which  they  did  not  in  their  firste  sendinge 


WESTERN  E    PLANTING. 


139 


furthe  Columbus.  And  with  what  righte  he  builded 
and  lefte  men  in  Hispaniola  at  the  firste,  before  the 
Popes  donation,  with  the  sclfe  same  rigtite  he  mighte 
have  subdued  all  that  he  shoulde  afterwardes  discover. 
So,  then,  the  Popes  gifte  was  of  no  more  force,  then 
of  that  which  they  mighte  have  chalenged  by  their 
former  righte  and  interest  of  discoverie.  And  as 
for  their  former  zeale  and  resolution  to  publishc  the 
Christian  faithe  in  those  quarters,  which  the  Pope 
confcsseth  to  have  bene  in  them  before  his  donation, 
whoe  seeth  not  that  he  stirres  them  uppe  to  nothinge, 
but  to  that  which  he  acknowledgeth  to  have  bene  in 
them  already ;  and  so  he  did  nothinge  but  actum  agere. 
Againe  ;  in  that  he  saieth,  that  in  no  other  respccte, 
but  moved  onely  by  his  mere  and  francke  liberaltie, 
and  for  cerie'me  secrete  causes,  he  gave  unto  them 
all  the  ilandes  and  firme  landes  which  already  have 
bene  founde,  and  which  shoulde  afterwardes  be 
founde,  which  were  then  discovered  or  afterwardes  to 
be  discovered,  towardes  the  West  and  the  Southe, 
drawinge  a  straighte  line  from  the  pole  articke  to  the 
pole  antarticke,  whether  the  ilandes  or  firme  landes 
founde  or  to  be  founde  were  towardes  the  Indies  or 
towardes  any  other  quarter ;  intendinge,  nevertheles, 
that  this  line  be  distant  an  hundred  leagues  towardes 
the  West  and  the  Southe  from  the  iles  which  are 
comonly  called  the  Azores,  or  those  of  Cape  Verd: 
to  this  wee  aunswer,  that  here  wee  are  firste 
to  consider  that  yt  was  no  marvell  that  his  Holi- 
nes,  beinge  a  Spaniarde  borne,  sett  aparte  all  other 
respectes  of  justice   and  equitie,  and   of  his   mere 


JUI 


41 


1^*1 


h^ 
X 


4M 
IX 

l» 

!l 

•I 

SI' 


uo 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


motion  and  francke  liberalitie  was  ready  to  raise  and 
advaunce  his  owne  nation,  with  doinge  secrete  wronge 
and  injurie  as  moche  as  in  him  hiye,  and  more,  unto 
all  other  Princes  of  Christcndome.  For  what  els 
can  those  wordes  importe,  that  he  did  it  also  for  ccr- 
ten  secrete  causes,  but  give  us  juste  cause  to  suspect 
that  there  Avantcd  uprighte,  indifferent,  and  sincere 
dealinges?  And  surely,  if  he  had  ment  uprightly,  he 
woulde  have  dcltc  more  plaincly ;  for  truthe  seketh  no 
secrete  corners.  But  if  you  will  have  me  to  rcveale 
those  secrete  causes,  to  say  as  the  thinge  was,  they 
vi'ere  nothinge  else  but  the  feare  and  jelousie  that  he 
had,  that  Kinge  Henry  the  vij'.^  of  England,  with 
whome  Bartholmewe  Columbus  had  bene  to  deale  in 
this  enterprice,  and  even  aboute  this  time  had  con- 
cluded with  the  Kinge  upon  all  pointes  and  articles, 
whoe  even  nowe  was  readie  to  sende  him  into  Spaine 
to  call  his  brother  Christopher  into  England,  slioulde 
put  a  foote  into  this  action ;  which,  if  he  had  don,  he 
shoulde  bothe  have  share  with  the  Spaniardes  in  the 
profitt,  and  greatly  ecclips  their  honour  and  glorie. 
Also,  he  coulde  not  choose  but  be  privie  to  the  longe 
conference  that  Christopher  Columbus  had  before 
time  with  the  Kinge  of  Portingale,  and  offer  which 
he  made  firstc  of  all  to  the  said  Kinge  of  this  dis- 
covery, whoe  thoughe  at  the  firste  delte  doubly  with 
Columbus,  and  sent  other  to  finde  oute  that  thinge 
which  Columbus  offered,  yet,  they  missinge  of  their 
purpose,  the  Kinge  of  Portingale  woulde  have  em- 
ployed Columbus,  and  delte  effectually  with  him  to 
that  ende ;  but  he  conceavinge  a  greate  displeasure 


*^^WPP 


rr 


and 


WESTERXF,    rLANTDJO. 


Ul 


againsto  the  Kingo  and  his  nation  for  his  secrete 
seekinge  to  defraude  him  of  liis  honour,  and  henofite 
of  his  offer,  stole  prively  oiitc  of  his  rcalme  into  Cas- 
tile. But  the  Pope,  feariuge  that  either  the  Kinge  of 
I'ortingale  mighte  be  reconciled  to  Columbus,  or  that 
he  mighte  be  drawen  into  England,  by  interposingo 
of  his  usurped  aucthoritie,  thoughte  secretly,  by  his 
unlawfull  division,  to  defraude  England  and  Portin- 
galc  of  that  bcnefite.  Loe,  these  were  indeede  those 
secrete  causes,  sodenly,  withoute  makinge  the  other 
Kinges  privie,  to  make  his  generall  and  universall 
donation  of  all  the  West  Indies  to  the  Kinges  of 
Spaine,  by  drawingc  a  lyne  of  partition  from  one 
pole  unto  another,  passingc  a  hundred  leagues  west- 
warde  of  the  lies  of  A/ores  ;  -which  division,  howe 
God  caused  to  be  deryded  by  the  mouthe  of  a  poor, 
simple  cliilde,  Fraunces  liOpez  de  Gomera,  one  of 
the  Spaniardes  owne  historiographers,  dothe  speci- 
ally note  in  manner  followinge  :  Before  I  finishe  this 
chapiter  (^aieth  he),  I  will  recite,  to  recreate  the  i  oader, 
that  which  happened,  upon  this  part- lion,  to  the  Por- 
tingalcs.  As  Fraunces  de  Melo,  Biego  Lopes  of 
Scqueria,  and  others,  came  to  this  assembly,  and  passed 
the  river  by  Quidiana,  a  little  infant  that  kepte  his 
mothers  clothes,  which  she  had  washt  and  honge 
abroade  to  drye,  demaundcd  of  them,  whether  they 
were  those  that  shoulde  come  to  dcvide  the  worlde 
with  the  Emperour ;  and  as  they  answered  yea,  he 
tooke  up  his  shirte  behinde  and  shewed  them  his  but- 
tocks, sayenge  unto  them :  Drawe  your  lyne  throughe 
the  middest  of  this  place.     This,  saieth  the  author, 


i 


^ 


SI' 


7! 


142 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


was  published  in  contemptc  all  abroade,  bothc  in  the 
towne  of  Badayos  and  also  in  the  assemblye  of  these 
committics.  The  Povtingales  were  greately  angrie 
therewithal!,  but  the  rest  turned  yt  to  a  jest  and 
laughed  yt  oute. 

But  what  wise  man  seeth  not  that  God  by  that 
childc  laughed  them  to  scornc,  and  made  them  ridicu- 
lous and  their  partition  in  the  eyes  of  the  worlde  and 
in  their  owne  consciences,  and  caused  the  childe  to 
reprove  them,  even  as  the  dombe  beaste,  speakingo 
with  mans  voyce,  reproved  the  foolishnes  of  Balam 
the  Prophett ! 

4.  The  fourthc  pointe  which  I  purpose  to  toucho, 
is  the  forme  and  manner  of  the  stile  of  the  donation 
itsclfe,  after  a  largo  preface  and  connynge  preamble  ; 
and  that  begynneth  in  this  manner :  "NVee  therefore, 
by  the  aucthoritie  of  God  Almightic,  which  is  gevcn 
to  us  in  the  person  of  Saincte  Peter,  and  which  wee 
enjoye  in  this  worlde  as  the  vicar  of  Jhesus  Christe, 
give  unto  you  all  the  ilandes  and  firme  landes,  with 
their  seigniories,  cities,  castells,  &c.  In  which  repe- 
tition of  his  donation  the  seconde  time  for  failinge, 
he  woulde  shewe  unto  the  worlde  by  what  aucthori- 
tie and  warrant  he  gave  away  from  all  the  Indians 
their  landes,  contries,  seigniories,  cities,  castells, 
places,  villages,  righte,  jurisdictions,  and  all  other 
appurtenaunces  and  thinges  belonginge  to  the  same, 
to  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  onely,  and  to  their  heires  and 
successours  for  ever.  This  usurped  aucthoritie,  as  I 
have  plainely  confuted  and  denied  in  the  begynnynge, 
so  nowe,  in  a  worde  or  twoo,  I  will  shewe,  that  God 


^^ 


WE8TERNE    PLANTING. 


143 


never  gave  unto  the  Popes  any  snclie  aucthoritie. 
The  chefost  and  greatest  aucthoritie  that  ever  was 
gevcn  by  Christe  to  Teter,  is  mentioned  in  the  16.  Matth.io. 
cliapiter  of  St.  Mathewe,  where  Christe  saicth  unto 
him:  I  will  give  unto  thee  the  keyes  of  the  King- 
dome  of  heaven,  and  whatsoever  thou  shalte  binde 
in  earthe  shalbe  bounde  in  heaven,  and  whatsoever 
thou  shalte  loose  in  earthe  shalbe  loosed  in  heaven. 
St.  Ilieromc,  cxpoundinge  of  this  place,  saieth,  that 
the  priestes  or  bisshopps  duetie  and  aucthoritie  of  the 
keyes,  to  binde  or  loose,  is  to  knowe  and  declare  by 
the  holy  Scripture,  and  by  the  judgementc  of  the 
Catholicque  Churche,  where  and  whoc  he  is  that  hath 
offended  againste  the  will  of  God,  and  whoe  bcinge 
once  a  Christian  is  fallen  from  the  socictic,  or  gone 
astraye  outc  of  the  pathe  and  waye  of  the  Churche. 
These  are  the  trewe  keyes  and  twoo  swordes  which 
God  hath  put  into  prestos  handes.  And  Peter  Lom- 
barde,  the  Master  of  the  Sentences,  one  of  their  owne 
doctors,  is  of  St.  Ilieromes  opinion.  And  what  auc- 
thoritie in  the  place  above  recited  Christe  comitted 
unto  Peter,  the  same  gave  he  also  unto  all  the  rest  of 
his  Apostles,  John  20.  verse  21.  sayenge  to  them  all: 
Whoesoever  synnes  yee  remitte,  they  are  remitted  unto 
them ;  and  whoesoever  synnes  yee  retaine,  they  are 
retained.  But  that  either  Peter  or  any  of  the  Apos- 
tles did  teache  or  affirme,  that  they  had  aucthoritie  to 
give  awaye  kingdomes  of  heathen  Princes  to  those 
that  were  so  farr  from  havinge  any  interest  in  them, 
that  they  knewe  not  whether  there  were  any  suche 
contries  in  the  worlde  or   noe,  I  never   reade  nor 


m 


i' 


1  • 


«i 


^^ 


144 


DISCOURSE    CONCERMNO 


'  I 


-4 


If 


heardo,  nor  any  mane  else,  as  I  vcrely  bclcve.  Which 
moste  injustc  and  wrongful!  dealingc  of  the  Pope  was 
notably  confuted  by  Atabalipa,  beinge  an  infidell. 
For  after  Fryer  Vincent  of  Valverde,  of  the  conipunic 
and  traine  of  Pi9ar,  had  made  an  oration  to  him,  the 
some  whereof  was  that  he  shoulde  become  a  C'hris- 
tyan,  and  that  he  shoulde  obey  the  Pope  and  the  Em- 
peror, to  whome  the  Pope  had  geven  his  kingdome, 
Atabalipa,  bcinge  greutely  insensed,  '"eplied,  that,  sce- 
ingc  he  was  nowe  free,  he  woulde  not  become  tribu- 
tarye,  nor  thincke  that  there  was  any  greater  lot  Jo 
then  himsclfe ;  but  that  he  was  willingc  to  be  the 
Emperor's  frcnde  and  to  have  his  acquaintaunce, 
for  that  he  muste  nedes  be  some  grcate  lorde  that 
sente  so  many  armies  abroade  into  the  worldc.  Ho 
aunswcrcd,  moreover,  that  he  woulde  not  in  any  wise 
obey  the  Pope,  seinge  he  gave  away  that  which  be- 
longed to  another,  moche  lesse  that  he  woulde  leave 
his  kingdome,  that  came  unto  him  by  inheritaunce, 
to  one  which  he  had  never  scene  in  his  life.  And 
whereas  Fryer  Vincent,  beinge  displeased  at  his  re- 
plye,  was  gladd  to  seeke  any  waye  to  wreake  his 
anger  upon  him,  insomoche  as  when  Atabalipa  lett 
his  portesse  fall  to  the  grounde,  he  was  so  testyc 
that  he  sett  Pi9ar  and  his  souldiers  forwardes,  cry- 
enge,  Vengeaunce,  Christians,  vengeaunce !  give  the 
chardge  upon  them;  whereby  many  Indians,  withoute 
resistaunce,  or  any  stroke  stricken  on  their  partes, 
were  moste  pitefuUy  murdred  and  massacred,  and 
Atabalipa  himselfe  taken,  and  afterwardes  trecher- 
ously  put  to  deathe ;   this   Frier  himselfe,   by  Gods 


\  ..^t 


T^ 


WE8TERNE    PLANTING. 


145 


justo  judf^omonto,  was  aftcrwardos  boaton  to  (Iratlio 
with  c'lubbcs  by  the  inhabitantcs  of  Puna,  as  ho 
Ht'dd  from  Don  Diogo  de  Almnp;ro,  as  Frauncos 
liOpoz  do  Gomera  precisely  and  of  purpose  noteth, 
libro  5.  cap.  85.  of  liis  (Jlenerall  Historic  of  the 
Inihes ;  and,  besides  iiim,  all  the  reste  of  the  chefo 
that  were  the  executioners  of  his  rashe  counsell,  and 
of  the  Popes  Donation,  came  to  mostc  wretched  and 
unfortunate  endes,  as  the  aforesaide  author  there  set- 
tcth  downe  in  twoo  severall  chapiters  of  Considera- 
tions, as  he  calleth  them. 

Moreover,  since  the  fourmc  of  the  donation  ronneth 
not  absolutely,  but  with  this  condition  and  chardge 
moste  straightly  enjoyncd,  viz.,  that  the  Kinges  of 
Spaine  shouldc  sonde  thither  sober  and  godly  men, 
and  cause  the  inhabitantcs  of  tlioso  contries  dis- 
covered or  to  bu  discovered  to  be  instructed  in  the 
Catholicque  faithe,  and  noseled  in  goodd  manners, 
and  that  they  shoulde  carefully  applye  themselves 
thereunto ;  wee  answer,  that  these  conditions  have 
bene  wonderfully  neglected,  and  that  neither  the  peo- 
ple have  bene  carefully  instructed  in  relligion  nor 
manners,  and  consequently  that  the  conditions  beinge 
not  perfourmed  the  donation  oughte  of  righte  to  be 
voide.  For  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  have  sent  suche 
helhoundes  and  wolves  thither  as  have  not  converted, 
but  almoste  quite  subverted  them,  and  have  rooted 
oute  above  tiftene  millions  of  reasonable  creatures, 
as  Bartholmewe  de  Casas,  the  Bisshoppe  of  Chiapa 
in  the  West  Indies,  a  Spaniarde  borne,  dothe  write 
at  large  in  a  whole  volume  of  that  argumente.     And 

19 


\  m 


hi 

•   P 

il 

SI. 


146 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


»  1 
I 

( 


Gonsaluo  de  Oiiiedo,  another  of  their  owne  histori- 
ographers, and  Capitaiiie  of  the  Castle  of  Sancto  Do- 
mingo ia  llispaniohi,  affirmeth  the  like :  For  there 
hath  Spaniardes  come  into  these  contries,  saieth  he, 
which,  havinge  lefte  their  consciences  and  all  feare  of 
God  and  men  behinde  them,  have  plaicd  the  partes 
not  of  men,  but  of  dragons  and  infidells,  and,  havinife 
no  respccte  of  humanitie,  have  bene  the  cause  that 
many  Indians,  that  peradventure  mighte  have  bene 
converted  and  saved,  are  deade  by  divers  and  sondrie 
kindes  of  deathes.  And  althoughe  those  people  had 
not  bene  converted,  yet  if  they  had  bene  lett  to  live, 
they  mighte  have  bene  profitable  to  youv  Majestic 
and  an  aide  unto  the  Christians,  and  certaine  partes 
of  the  lande  shoulde  not  wholy  have  bene  disinhabited, 
which  by  this  occasion  are  altogether  in  a  manner 
dispeopled.  And  they  that  have  beuL'  the  cause  of 
suche  f^-^struction  call  this  contrie  thus  dispeopled  and 
wasted,  the  conrie  conquered  and  pacified;  but  I 
call  it,  quoth  Gonsc,^lo,  the  contrie  which  is  destroyed 
and  ruyncd ;  yea,  so  farr  have  they  bene  of  from 
drawinge  the  Indians  to  the  likinge  of  Christianitie 
and  true  llelligion^  that  the  sentence  of  the  Apostl? 
may  moste  truly  be  verified  of  them,  vvhoe  saieth : 
The  namo  oi  God  is  blasphemed  amonge  the  Gen- 
tiles throughe  you ;  ffor  proofe  whereof  you  shall  not 
nede  to  reade  but  that  which  Peter  Benzo  of  Milan 
hath  written,  whoe  remayned  in  these  Indies,  and 
served  in  the  warres  with  the  Spaniardes  againste  the 
Indians  for  the  space  of  fourtene  yeres.  This  Benzo 
saieth  chat  the  Indians,  not  havinge  studied  logicke. 


f'^'r'f^ 


WESTERNE    ILANTING. 


m 


concluded  very  pertinently  and  catagorically,  that  the 
Spaniardes,  which  spoiled  their  contrie,  were  more 
dangerous  then  wilde  bcastes,  more  furious  then 
lyons,  more  fcarefull  and  terrible  then  fire  and  water, 
or  any  thinge  that  is  moste  outeragious  in  the  worlde. 
Some  also  called  them  the  fome  of  the  sea,  others 
gave  them  names  of  the  bcastes  which  are  moste 
cruell  and  lyvinge  of  praye  which  they  have  in  their 
contrie.  There  were  some  likewise  that  called  them 
Tuira,  as  one  would  say,  the  Denlls  goodd  grace. 

Those  thinges  bcinge  thus,  whoe  seeth  not  that  the 
Pope  is  frustrated  of  the  ende  which  he  intended  in 
his  Donation,  and  so  the  same  oughte  not  to  take 
effecte? 

5.  Ffiftly,  yf  yt  be  true  and  that  the  Pope  mente 
goodd  earnest,  that  all  Empcrours  and  Kinges  which 
shoulde  sende  their  subjectes  or  others  to  discover 
withoute  the  Kinge  of  Spaines  leave  shoulde  be  ex- 
communicated by  him,  why  did  he  not  firste  excom- 
municate Kinge  Henry  the  Seaventh  for  sendinge 
furthe  Sebastian  Gabota  with  three  hundred  Eng- 
lishemen,  whoe,  by  Gomera  his  owne  confession,  dis- 
covered from  58.  degrees  in  the  northe  to  38.  degrees 
towardes  the  equinoctiall  ?  Why  did  he  not  the  like 
to  Kinge  Henry  the  Eightc  for  sendinge  to  discover 
wcstwarde,  in  the  xix*.''  yere  of  his  reigne,  while  he 
was  yet  in  obedience  to  the  Churche  of  Rome  ?  ^V'hy 
was  he  not  offended  and  incensed  againste  Qucene 
Mary,  whoe  suffred  her  subjectes,  in  the  yere  15o().  to 
scke  oute,  by  the  northcaste,  the  way  to  Cathaio  and 
China,  which  are  bothe  within  the  pretended  lymites 


'II 


m 
m 

•1 

SI' 
•I 


148 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


of  his  donation,  as  John  Gaetan  and  other  Spaniaidcs 
doe  write?  Why  did  he  not  exercise  his  censures 
ecclesiasticall  againste  the  Kinge  of  Ffraunce,  Fraun- 
ces  tlie  Firste,  for  sendinge  furthe  Verarsanus  twise 
or  thrise,  laques  Cartier  twise,  and  llobervall  once,  to- 
wardcs  the  southwest  and  northwest?  Why  was  not 
Ilenrv  the  Seconde  of  Fraunce  excommunicated  for 
sendinge  ^"illcgagnon  to  inhabite  in  Brasill  under  the 
tropicke  of  Capricorne  ?  Or  Charles  the  IX*?*  for  aid- 
ing Ribault  firste,  and  after  Ladoniere,  and  a  thirdc 
tyme  Ribault,  to  fortifie  and  inhabite  in  Horida  ?  Or 
why  did  he  not  thunder  againste  Emanuell,  Kinge  of 
Portingale,  for  suffringe  Gasper  Corterealis  twise  to 
seeke  to  finde  oute  the  northweste  passage,  and  one 
of  his  brothers  another  time  afterwarde  ?  Or  where- 
fore did  he  not  openly  rebuke  the  Kinge  of  Den- 
marke  for  suffringe  his  subjccte,  John  Scolno,  a 
Dane,  in  the  yere  1500.  to  seke  the  Straighte  by  the 
northweste,  of  whome  Gemma  Frisius,  and  Hicro- 
nymo  Giraua,  a  Spaniarde,  make  mention  ?  Or  what 
shoulde  be  the  reason  that  all  these  kingres  of  Ens:- 
land,  F>auncc,  Portingale,  and  Denmarke,  beinge 
otherwise  all  at  these  times  in  obedience  of  the 
Churche  of  Home,  shoulde,  withoute  consente  as  yt 
were,  disanuU  and  never  make  accompte  of  this  Bull 
of  the  Pope  ?  which  thinge  doubtles  they  woulde  never 
have  don,  yf  they  had  bene  fully  perswaded  in  their 
consciences,  that  if  any  Prince  or  Fimperour,  of  what 
estate  or  condition  soever,  shoulde  attempte  the  con- 
trary, as  it  is  in  the  conclusion  of  the  said  Bull,  he 
shoulde   be    assured   to   incurr    the    indignation   of 


f"'"'f 


in 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


149 


beinge 


Almightie  God  and  of  the  Apostles  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Puwle.  But  no\ve,  scinge  all  the  kinges  aforesaide 
sente  all  their  subjectes  to  discover  beyonde  the 
Popes  partition  lyne  withoute  the  leave  or  permission 
of  the  Spaniarde,  they  seme  with  one  accorde  to  tes- 
tifie  unto  the  worlde,  that  they  made  no  reconynge  of 
the  breache  of  that  Bull,  as  of  an  acte  moste  unjuste, 
moste  unreasonable,  and  moste  prejudiciall  to  all 
other  Chiistian  princes  of  the  worlde. 

Againe ;  yt  were  small  charitie  in  the  Popes  to 
curse  those  Princes  that  have  bene  or  are  willinge 
to  employe  their  treasures  and  people  in  advauncinge 
the  honour  and  glory  of  God,  and  the  lawfull  enrich- 
inge  and  benefite  of  their  people.  And  whatsoever 
Pope  shouldc  excommunicate  or  curse  any  Christian 
prince  for  seekinge  to  reduce  to  the  knowledge  of 
God  and  to  civill  manners  those  infinite  multitudes 
of  infidells  and  heathen  people  of  the  West  Indies, 
which  the  Spaniardes  in  all  this  time  have  not  so 
moche  as  discovered,  moche  less  subdued  or  con- 
verted, his  curse  woulde  lighte  upon  his  owne  heade, 
and,  to  those  which  he  cursed  undeservedly,  woulde 
be  turned  to  a  blessinge. 

To  be  shorte  ;  thoughe  Pope  Alexander  the  vj'!'  by 
his  unequall  division,  hath  so  puffed  upp  and  in- 
flamed with  pride  his  moste  ambitious  and  insatiable 
contrymen,  that  they  are  growen  to  this  high  conceite 
of  themselves,  that  they  shall  shortly  attaine  to  be 
lurdes  and  oncly  seigniors  of  all  the  earthe,  inso- 
moche  as  Gonsaluo  de  Ouiedo  sticketh  not  to  write 
to  Charles  the  Emperour,  sayenge  :  God  hath  geven 


il 


m 

si 

HI 


150 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


kiili''     " 


you  these  Indies  accio  che  vosira  Males  fa  sia  uniuer- 
sale  et  unico  monarcha  del  mondo  —  to  the  intente 
that  your  Majestie  shoulde  be  the  iiniversall  and  onely 
monarch  of  the  worlde ;  yet  God  that  sittcth  in 
heaven  laugheth  them  and  their  partitions  to  scorne, 
and  he  will  abase  and  bringe  downe  their  proude 
lookcs,  and  humble  their  faces  to  the  duste  ;  yea,  he 
will  make  them,  at  his  goodd  time  and  pleasure,  to 
confesse  that  the  earthe  was  not  made  for  them  one- 
ly ;  as  he  hath  already  shewed  unto  the  Portingalcs, 
which,  not  longe  since,  takinge  upon  them  to  dcvide 
the  worlde  with  lynes,  doe  nowe  beholde  the  line  of 
Gods  juste  judgemente  drawen  over  themselves  and 
their  owne  kingdome  and  possessions.  And  nowe, 
no  doubte,  many  of  them  remember  that  the  threat- 
eninge  of  the  prophet  hath  taken  holde  upon  them, 
whoe  pronounceth  an  heavie  woe  againste  all  suche 
as  spoile,  because  they  themselves  shall  at  length  be 
spoiled. 

6.  Finally,  to  come  to  the  sixte  and  laste  pointe, 
yf  you  consider  what  recompcnce  the  Kinges  of 
Spaine  have  made  to  the  Popes  for  this  so  greate 
a  benefite  bestowed  upon  them,  you  shall  easely  see 
and  acknowledge  with  me,  that  they  were  either  moste 
ungrateful,  or,  which  is  moste  likely,  that  they  never 
thoughte  that  they  helde  the  Indies  as  the  Popes 
gifte  unto  them,  or  that  their  title  unto  those  regions 
depended  upon  his  francke  almes  or  libertilitie  ;  ffor, 
if  they  had  don  soe,  they  coulde  have  done  no  lesse 
but  have  geven  him  the  presentation  of  all  arche- 
bisshopricks    and    bisshoprickes,    and    other    greate 


Tl 


WESTERN E   PLANTING. 


151 


ecclesiastical  promotions  in  recompence  of  their  for- 
mer and  large  curtesie,  wherein  they  have  don  the 
flatt  contrary,  reservinge  onely  unto  themselves  the 
presentation  and  patronage  of  all  the  archebisshop- 
ricks  and  bisshopricks  that  they  have  erected  in  the 
West  Indies ;  ffor,  as  Gomera  saieth  in  his  6.  booke 
and  23.  chapiter  of  his  Generall  Historie  of  the  In- 
dies, the  Kinge  of  Spaine  is  patrone  of  all  the  arche- 
bisshoprickcs,  bysshoprickes,  dignities,  and  benefices 
of  the  West  Indies,  and  so  he  onely  appointeth  and 
presenteth  them,  so  that  he  is  absolute  lorde  of  the 
Indies. 

This  argueth  that  the  Kinges  of  Spaine  never  made 
any  greate  accompte  of  the  Popes'  Donation,  but  onely 
to  blinde  the  eyes  of  the  worlde  with  the  sea  of 
Rome  ;  ffor  doubtles,  if  they  had  acknowledged  their 
tenure  to  depende,  as  I  saied,  of  the  Popes  mere  lib- 
eralitie,  they  woulde  have  don  otherwise,  and  woulde 
have  requited  them  farr  otherwise  then  by  excludinge 
them  quite  oute,  and  makinge  themselves  absolute 
patrones  of  all  ecclesiasticall  dignities  whatsoever. 


M 


If  "■ 


hi 

at 

*l 

i' 
»i 

#1 
■ft 
»i 

It 


152 


DISCOURSE   CONCERNING 


Cap.  XX.  %  bvclc  collection  of  certaine  reasons  to  induce  her  Majestie 
and  the  state  to  take  in  hande  the  westerne  voyad<je  and 
the  plantinge  there. 


I  . 


f! 

i; 

1 

1 

J 

1.  Wi}C  soulc  yeldeth,  and  may  be  made  to  yelde, 
all  the  severall  comodities  of  Europe,  and  of  all 
kingdomes,  domynions,  and  territories  that  Enghmd 
tradeth  withe,  that  by  trade  of  marchandize  cometh 
into  this  realme. 

2.  The  passage  thither  and  home  is  neither  to 
longe  nor  to  shorte,  but  easie,  and  to  be  made  twise 
in  the  yere. 

3.  The  passage  cuttcth  not  nere  the  trade  of  any 
prince,  nor  nere  any  of  their  contries  or  territories, 
and  is  a  safe  passage,  and  not  easie  to  be  annoyed  by 
prince  or  potentate  whatsoever. 

4.  The  passage  is  to  be  perfourmed  at  all  times  of 
the  yere,  and  in  that  respecte  passeth  our  trades  in 
the  Levant  Seas  within  the  Straites  of  Juberalter,  and 
the  trades  in  the  seas  within  the  Kinge  of  Denmarkes 
Straite,  and  the  trades  to  the  portes  of  Norwey  and 
of  Russia,  &c. ;  for  as  in  the  south  weste  Straite  there 
IS  no  passage  in  somer  by  lacke  of  windes,  so  within 
the  other  places  there  is  no  passage  in  winter  by  yse 
and  extreme  colde. 

5.  And  where  England  nowe  for  certen  hundreth 
yeres  last  passed,  by  the  peculiar  coraoditie  of  wolles, 


^'   ■f  W| 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


153 


and  of  later  yeres  by  clothinge  of  the  same,  hath 
raised  it  selfe  from  meaner  state  to  greater  wealthc 
and  moche  higher  honour,  mighte,  and  power  then 
before,  to  the  equalHnge  of  the  princes  of  the  same 
to  the  greatest  potentates  of  this  parte  of  the  vvorlde ; 
it  cometh  nowe  so  to  passe,  that  by  the  greate  en- 
devour  of  the  increase  of  the  trade  of  wolles  in  Spaine 
and  in  the  AVest  Indies,  nowe  daily  more  and  more 
multiplicnge,  that  the  wolles  of  England,  and  the 
clothe  made  of  the  same,  will  become  base,  and  every 
day  more  base  then  other ;  which,  prudently  weyed, 
yt  behoveth  this  realme,  yf  it  meane  not  to  returne  to 
former  olde  meanes  and  basenes,  but  to  stande  in 
present  and  late  former  honour,  glorye,  and  force, 
and  not  negligently  and  sleepingly  to  slyde  into  beg- 
gery,  to  foresee  and  to  plante  at  Norumbega  or  some 
like  place,  were  it  not  for  any  thing  els  but  for  the 
hope  of  the  vent  of  our  woll  indrapcd,  the  principall 
and  in  effecte  the  onely  enrichinge  contynuciugo  nat- 
urall  comoditie  of  this  realme.  And  effectually  pur- 
sueinge  that  course,  wee  shall  not  onely  finde  on  that 
tracte  of  lando,  and  especially  in  that  firme  north- 
warde  (to  whome  warme  clothe  shalbe  riglite  well- 
come),  an  ample  vente,  but  also  shall,  from  the  north 
side  of  that  firme,  finde  outc  knowen  and  unknowen 
ilandes  and  domynions  replenished  with  people  that 
may  fully  vent  the  aboundaunce  of  that  our  comoditie, 
that  els  will  in  fewe  yeres  waxe  of  none  or  of  small 
value  by  forreine  abounduunce,  &c. ;  so  as  by  this 
cnterprice  wee  shall  shonne  the  ymmynent  mischefe 
hanginge  over  our  heades,  that  els  muste  nodes  fall 

20 


1  '. 


CI 


hi 


l«!| 


>) 


m 


m 

•I 

I 


I. 'I: 

!■:!! 
{ 


I 

•  r 

t  : 


1^!! 


154 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


upon  the  roalme,  without  breache  of  peace  or  sworde 
drawcn  agaiuste  this  realme  by  any  forreine  state  ;  and 
not  offer  our  auncient  riches  to  scornefuU  neighboures 
at  home,  nor  sell  the  same  in  effecte  for  nothinge,  as 
wee  shall  shortly,  if  presently  it  be  not  provaided  for. 
The  increase  of  the  wolles  of  Spaine  and  America  is 
of  highe  pollicie,  with  greate  desire  of  our  ovcrthrowe, 
endevourcd  ;  and  the  goodnes  of  the  forren  wolles  our 
people  will  not  enter  into  the  consideration  of,  nor 
will  not  beleve  aughte,  they  be  so  sotted  with  opin- 
ion of  their  owne  ;  and,  yf  it  be  not  foresene  and  some 
such  place  of  vent  provided,  farewell  the  goodd  state 
of  all  degrees  in  this  realme. 

6.  This  enterprise  may  staye  the  Spanishe  Kinge 
from  flowinge  over  all  the  face  of  that  waste  firme 
of  America,  yf  wee  seate  and  plante  there  in  time, 
in  tymc  I  say,  and  wee  by  plantinge  shall  lett  him 
from  makingc  more  shorte  and  more  safe  returnes 
oute  of  the  noble  portes  of  the  purposed  places  of  our 
plantinge,  then  by  any  possibilitie  he  can  from  the 
parte  of  the  firme  that  nowe  his  navies  by  ordinary 
courses  come  from,  in  this  that  there  is  no  comparison 
betwene  the  portes  of  the  coastes  that  the  Kinge  of 
Spaine  dothe  nowe  possesse  and  use,  and  the  portes 
of  the  coastes  that  our  nation  is  to  possesse  by  plant- 
inge at  Norumbega,  and  on  that  tracte  faste  by,  more 
to  the  northe  and  northeaste,  and  in  that  there  is 
from  thence  a  moche  shorter  course,  and  a  course 
of  more  temperature,  and  a  course  that  possesscth 
more  contynuaunce  of  ordinary  windes,  then  the 
present  course  of  the  Spanishe  Indian  navies  nowe 


'^'Tfl^] 


M 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


155 


iiowe 


dothe.  And  Engliind  ]iosscssingo  the  purposed 
])l.icc  of  plantinge,  her  Miijcstio  may,  by  the  bcne- 
fete  of  the  scute,  havinge  wonne  goodd  and  royall 
havens,  liave  pknitie  of  excellent  trees  for  mastes, 
of  goodly  timber  to  buildc  shippes  and  to  make  greate 
navies,  of  pitche,  tarr,  hempe,  and  all  thinges  inci- 
dent for  a  navie  royall,  and  that  for  no  price,  and 
withoute  money  or  request.  Howe  easie  a  matter 
may  yt  be  to  this  realme,  swarminge  at  this  day  with 
valiant  youthes,  rustinge  and  hurtfull  by  lacke  of  em- 
ployment, and  havinge  goodd  makers  of  cable  and  of 
all  sortes  of  cordage,  and  the  best  and  moste  con- 
nynge  shipwrights  of  the  worlde,  to  be  lordes  of  all 
those  sees,  and  to  spoile  Phillipps  Indian  navye,  and 
to  deprive  him  of  yerely  passage  of  his  treasure  into 
Europe,  and  consequently  to  abate  the  pride  of  Spaine 
and  of  the  supporter  of  the  greate  Antechriste  of 
Home,  and  to  pull  him  downe  in  equallitie  to  his 
neighbour  princes,  jmd  consequently  to  cutt  of  the 
common  mischcfes  that  come  to  all  Europe  by  the 
peculiar  aboundaunce  of  his  Indian  treasure,  and 
thiss  withoute  difficultie. 

7.  This  voyadge,  albeit  it  may  be  accomplished  by 
barke  or  smallest  pynnesse  for  advise  or  for  a  neces- 
sitie,  yet  for  the  distaunce,  for  burden  and  gaine  in 
trade,  the  marchant  will  not  for  profitts  sake  use  it 
but  by  shippes  of  greate  burden ;  so  as  this  realme 
shall  have  by  that  meaue  shippes  of  greate  burden 
and  of  greate  strengthe  for  the  defence  of  this  realme, 
and  for  the  defence  of  that  newe  seate,  as  nede  shall 
require,  and  withall  greate  increase  of  perfecte  sea- 


i 


11.1 


ml 


156 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


K:  ; 


I  ; 

» I 


men,  which  grcate  princes  in  time  of  warres  wante, 
and  which  kindo  of  men  are  neitlier  nourished  in 
fewc  daics  nor  in  fewe  yeres. 

8.  Thisnewc  navie  of  mightie  ncwe  stronge  shijjpes, 
80  in  trade  to  that  Norumbega  and  to  the  coastes 
there,  shall  never  be  subjccte  to  arreste  of  any  prince 
or  potentate,  as  the  navic  of  this  realme  from  time  to 
time  hath  bene  in  the  portes  of  thempire,  in  the 
portes  of  the  Base  Contries,  in  Si)aine,  Fraunce,  Por- 
tingale,  &c.,  in  the  tymes  of  Charles  the  Emperour, 
Fraunces  the  Frenche  kinge,  and  others ;  but  shall 
be  alwayes  free  from  that  bitter  mischeefe,  withoutc 
grefe  or  hazarde  to  the  marchaunte  or  to  the  state, 
and  so  ahvaies  readie  at  the  comaundement  of  the 
prince  with  mariners,  artillory,  armor,  and  munition, 
ready  to  offcnde  and  defende  as  shalbc  required. 

9.  The  greate  masse  of  wealthe  of  the  realme  im- 
barqued  in  the  marchantes  shippes,  caried  oute  iu 
this  newe  course,  shall  not  lightly,  in  so  farr  distant 
a  course  from  the  coaste  of  Europe,  be  driven  by 
windes  and  tempestes  into  portes  of  any  forren 
princes,  as  the  Spanishc  shippes  of  late  yeres  have 
bene  into  our  portes  of  the  Weste  Contries,  &c.;  and 
so  our  marchantes  in  rcspecte  of  private  state,  and 
of  the  realme  in  respecte  of  a  generall  safetie  from 
venture  of  losse,  are  by  this  voyadge  oute  of  one 
greate  mischefe. 

10.  No  forren  commoditie  that  comes  into  England 
comes  withoute  payment  of  custome  once,  twise,  or 
thrise,  before  it  come  into  the  realme,  and  so  all 
forren  comodities  become  dercr  to  the  subjectes  of  this 


p  lll'f»'ll 


im 


"WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


157 


re.ilmo ;  and  by  this  course  to  Nonimbrfra  fnrrrn 
princes  customcs  arc  avoided ;  and  the  forren  coinodi- 
tics  choapely  purchased,  thty  become  cheapo  to  the 
Bubjectes  of  iMigland,  to  tlie  common  bcnefite  of  the 
people,  and  to  the  savinge  of  greate  treasure  in  the 
reahne ;  whereas  nowe  the  reahne  becometho  pooro 
by  the  purchasingc  of  forreine  comodities  in  so  greate 
a  masse  at  so  excessive  prices. 

11.  At  the  firste  traficcpie  with  the  people  of  those 
partes,  the  subjectes  of  this  real  me  for  many  yeres 
shall  chaunge  many  cheape  comodities  of  these 
partes  for  thinges  of  highe  valor  there  not  estemcd ; 
and  this  to  the  greate  inrichinge  of  the  realme,  if 
common  use  faile  not. 

I'i.  By  the  greate  plentie  of  those  regions  the  mar- 
chantcs  and  their  factors  shall  lye  there  cheape,  buye 
and  rcpaire  their  shippes  cheape,  and  shall  returne 
at  pleasure  withoute  staye  or  restrainle  of  forreine 
prince ;  whereas  upon  stales  and  restraintes  the  mar- 
chaunte  raiseth  his  chardge  in  sale  over  of  his  ware ; 
and,  buycnge  his  wares  cheape,  he  may  mainteine 
trade  with  smalle  stocke,  and  withoute  takinge  upp 
money  upon  interest ;  and  so  he  shalbe  riche  and  not 
subjecte  to  many  hazardes,  but  shalbe  able  to  afforde 
the  comodities  for  cheape  prices  to  all  subjectes  of 
the  realme. 

13.  By  makinge  of  shippes  and  by  preparinge  of 
thinges  for  the  same,  by  makinge  of  cables  and  cord- 
age, by  plantinge  of  vines  and  olive  trees,  and  by 
makinge  of  wyne  and  oyle,  by  husbandrie,  and  by 
thousandes  of  thinges  there  to  be  done,  infinite  nom- 


i 


SI 


il 


$1* 


4i' 


158 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNINQ 


1 

» 

i 

1 
I 

1 

i 

i 

r 

r 

liilHl 

iii—  ■■ 
i 

i 

r 

T    r 

i' 

bci's  of  tlic  Enj^lisho  Uiitiou  may  bo  set  on  worko,  to 
the  luibunlcuyuf^c  of  tlie  realmc  with  many  that  nowc 
lyve  chardf^'cable  to  the  state  at  home. 

14.  If  the  sea  coste  serve  for  makinge  of  salte,  and 
the  inland  for  wine,  oiles,  oranges,  lymons,  tigges, 
&c.,  and  for  makinge  of  yron,  all  which  with  moche 
more  is  hoix'd,  withoute  sworde  drawen,  wee  shall 
cutt  the  combe  of  the  Frenche,  of  the  Spanishe,  of 
the  Portingale,  and  of  enemies,  and  of  doubtfull 
frendes,  to  the  abatinge  of  their  wcalthe  and  force, 
and  to  the  greater  savinge  of  the  wcalthe  of  the 
rcaltne. 

15.  The  snbstannces  servinge,  wee  may  onto  of 
those  ])artc8  reccave  the  masse  of  wronght  wares 
that  now  wee  receave  out  of  Fraunce,  Flaunders, 
Germunye,  &c, ;  and  so  wee  may  daunte  the  pride  of 
some  enemies  of  this  realmc,  or  at  the  leaste  in  parte 
purchase  those  wares,  that  nowe  wee  buye  derely  of 
the  Frenche  and  Flemynge,  better  clica[)e ;  and  in 
the  ende,  for  the  parte  that  this  rcalme  was  wonte  to 
receave,  dryve  them  oute  of  trade  to  idlenes  for  the 
settinge  of  our  people  on  worke. 

16.  Wee  shall  by  plantinge  there  inlarge  the  glory 
of  the  gospell,  and  from  England  plante  sincere  rel- 
ligion,  and  provide  a  safe  and  a  sure  place  to  receave 
people  from  all  partes  of  the  worlde  that  are  forced 
to  liee  for  the  truthe  of  Gods  worde. 

17.  If  frontier  warres  there  chaunce  to  aryse,  and 
if  thereupon  wee  shall  fortifie,  yt  will  occasion  the 
trayninge  upp  of  our  youthe  in  the  discipline  of 
warr,  and  make  a  nomber  fitt  for  the  service  of  the 


"VW 


rn 


WESTERN E    PLANTING. 


159 


warrcs  and  for  the  defence  of  our  peoi)lc  tlicrc  and 
at  home. 

IH.  The  Spaniardes  fi;ovcrnc  in  the  Indies  with  all 
pride  and  tyranie ;  and  lii<e  as  when  peojjle  of  con- 
trarie  nature  at  the  sea  enter  into  galHes,  where  men 
arc  tied  as  shives,  all  yell  and  crye  with  one  voice, 
Liberta,  liberta,  as  desirous  of  libertie  and  freedome, 
so  no  douhte  whensoever  the  Queenc  of  En<^liind,  a 
prince  of  such  clemencie,  shall  seate  upon  that  tirmc 
of  America,  and  shalbc  reported  throuj^he  onto  all 
that  tracte  to  use  the  naturall  people  there  with  all 
humanitie,  curtesie,  and  freedome,  they  will  yclde 
themselves  to  her  governement,  and  revoke  ^  ;me 
from  the  Spaniardc,  and  specially  when  th'  liall 
understande  that  she  hathe  a  noble  navie,  and  tliat  she 
aboundeth  with  a  peo])le  moste  valiaunte  for  theyr 
defence.  And  her  ISIajestic  havinge  Sir  Fraunces 
Drake  and  other  subjectes  already  in  credite  with  the 
Symerons,  a  people  or  greate  multitude  alreadye  re- 
volted from  the  Spanishc  governemente,  she  may  with 
them  and  a  fewe  hundrethes  of  this  nation,  trayned 
upp  in  the  late  warres  of  Fraunce  and  Flaunders, 
bringe  greate  thinges  to  passe,  and  that  with  greate 
ease ;  and  this  broughtc  so  aboute,  her  Majestic  and 
her  subjectes  may  bothe  enjoye  the  treasure  of  the 
mynes  of  golde  and  silver,  and  the  whole  trade  and 
•all  the  gaine  of  the  trade  of  marchandizc,  that  nowe 
passeth  thither  by  the  Spaniardes  onely  liande,  of  all 
the  comodities  of  Europe ;  which  trade  of  marchan- 
dizc onely  were  of  it  selfe  suffycient  (withoute  the 
benefite  of  the  riche  myne)  to  inriche  the  subjectes, 


^\ 


il 

ji  I 

I 


§.*'■ 


160 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


» , 


and  by  customcs  to  fill  her  Majesties  coffers  to  the 
full.  And  if  it  be  higlic  poricio  to  maynetevne  the 
poore  people  of  this  rcalme  in  worke,  I  dare  afiirme 
that  if  the  poore  people  of  England  were  five  times 
so  many  as  they  be,  yet  all  mighte  be  sett  on  worke 
in  and  by  workinge  lynnen,  and  siiche  other  thinges 
of  marchandize  as  the  trade  into  the  Indies  dothe 
require. 

19.  The  present  shorte  trades  causeth  the  maryner 
to  be  cast  of,  and  ofte  to  be  idle,  and  so  by  povcrtie 
to  fall  to  piracie.  But  this  course  to  Norumbcga 
bcingc  longer,  and  a  contynuaunce  of  themploymente 
of  the  maryner,  dothe  kepe  the  maryner  from  ydlcnes 
and  from  necessitie ;  and  so  it  cutteth  of  the  prin- 
cipal actions  of  piracie,  and  the  rather  because  no 
riche  praye  for  them  to  take  cometh  directly  in  their 
course  or  any  thing  nere  their  course. 

20.  Many  men  of  excellent  wittes  and  of  divers 
singuler  giftes,  ovcrthrowen  by  suertishippe,  by  sea, 
or  by  some  folly  of  youthe,  that  are  not  able  to  live 
in  England,  may  tii?TP  be  raised  againe,  and  doe  their 
contrie  goodd  service ;  and  many  nedefull  uses  there 
may  (to  greato  purpose)  require  the  savinge  of  grcate 
nombers,  that  for  trifles  may  otherwise  be  devoured 
by  the  gallowes. 

21.  Many  souldiers  and  servi tours,  in  the  ende  of 
the  warrcs,  that  mighte  be  hurtfull  to  this  realmc, 
may  there  be  unla'^^'^n,  to  the  common  profite  and 
quiet  of  this  rcalme,  and  to  our  forreinc  bencfitc 
there,  as  they  may  be  employed. 

22.  The  frye  of  the  wandringe  beggars  of  England, 


fl^ 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


161 


that  growe  upp  ydly,  and  hurtcfull  and  burdenous  to 
this  realme,  may  there  be  unladen,  better  bredd  upp, 
and  may  people  waste  Gentries  to  the  home  and  for- 
reine  benefite,  and  to  their  ownc  more  happy  state. 

23.  If  Englande  crie  oute  and  affirme,  that  there 
is  so  many  in  all  trades  that  one  cannot  live  for  an- 
other, as  in  all  places  they  doe,  this  Norumbega  (if  it 
be  thoughte  so  goodd)  offrcth  the  remedie. 


%i 


<! 


Ml 


21 


ni 

II 

Ml 


162 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


!.1i 


III: 


Cap.  XXI.  ^  notc  of  some  thinges  to  be  prepared  for  the  voyadge,  which  is 
sett  downe  rather  to  rlrawe  the  takers  of  the  voyadge  in 
haude  to  the  presente  consideration,  then  for  any  other 
reason ;  for  that  divers  thinges  require  preparation  longe 
before  the  voyadge,  withoute  the  which  the  voyadge  is 
maymed. 


DEADE   VICTUALL. 

Hoggs  flcshe,  barrelled  and  salted, 

in  greate  quantitie. 
Bcfe,  barrelled,  in  lesse  quantitie. 
Stookfislic,  JMeale  in  barrells. 
Oatemeale,  in  baiTcUs,  nere  cowch- 

ed. 
Ryse,  SallettOile,  barrelled  Butter. 
Cheese,  Hony  in  barrells. 
Currans,  liaisons  of  the  sonne. 
Dried  Prunes,  Olives  in  barrells. 
Beanos,  dryed  on  the  kill. 
Pease,  dried  likewise. 
Canary  Wines,  IloUocke. 
Sacks  racked. 
Vineger,  very  stronge. 
A(jua  VitiB. 
Sydt-rs  of  Ffraunce,  Spaine,  and 

England. 
Bere,  brewed  specially  in  speciall 

tyme. 


Tumep  Seede. 

Passeneape  Sede. 

Radishe. 

Cariott. 

Naviewes. 

Garlicke. 

Onyons. 

Leekes. 

Melons. 

Pompions. 
Cowcond)ers. 

VICTUAL!, 

TIV 

Cabage  Cole. 
Parseloy. 

i>  I 

ROOTKS 
AND 

Lettis. 
Endiffe. 

HERBES. 

Alexander. 

Orege. 

Tynie. 

Rosemary. 

Mustard  Seede. 

Feniic'll. 

Anny   Scedes,   newe 

and   freshe  to  be 

sowen. 

^m 


^VESTERNE    PLANTING. 


16a 


THE  ENCRKASE,  REXEWE,  AND  THE  CONTINEWE  OF  VICTUALL  AT  THE 
PLANTINOK  ri.ACES,  AND  MKX  AXI>  TIIINGKS  INCIDENT  AND  TEND- 
INGE   TO    THE   SAME. 


Bores,  Sowcs. 

Conies,  Biieke  and  Dowe. 

Doves,  male  and  female. 

Coekes,  Ilemies. 

Dtukes,  male  and  female,  for  lowe 

soiles. 
Turkies,  male  and  female. 
>Vheat,  Rye,  Barley. 
Bigge,  or  Barley  Bere. 
Oatcs,  Beanes. 
Pease,  Ffacclies. 
Three  square  Graine. 


To  sowo  to 

vittell  by 

breacle  and 

ilrinke, 


Suger  cane  planters  with  the  plantes. 

Vyne  planters. 

Olyve  j)lanter3. 

Gardiners  for  herbcs,  rootes,  and 

for  ail  earthe  frutes. 
Graders  for  frute  trees. 
Hunters,  skilfull  to  kill  wilde  beasts 

for  vittell. 
Warryners  to  breede  conies  and  to 

kill  vermyn. 
Fowlers. 
Si'a  Fisshcrs. 
Fresh  water  Fisshers. 
Knytters  of  netts. 
Butchers. 

Suiters  and  seasoners  of  vittell. 
Suite  makers. 
C'ookes. 
Bakers. 
Brewers. 

Greyhoundes  to  kill  decre,  &c. 
Mastivcs  to  kill  he.tvie  beastes  of 

ravyne  and  for  nighto  watches. 
Bloudo  houndes  to  recover  hurte 

dere. 


Ml 
«l 


•M 


PROVISIONS  TENDINGE   TO  FORCE. 


Men  expcrte  in  the  arte  of  fortification. 

Plat  formes  of  many  formes  redied  to  cany  with  you  by  advise  of  the  best. 

I'apituines  of  longe  and  of  greate  exr;'^rieiic(;. 

Siiiddiirs  well  trayned  in  Fllauuders  to  joyne  with  the  younger. 

llar([ubussliiers  of  skill. 

Archers,  stronge  bowmen, 

Bowyers. 

Ftletchers. 

Arrow  head  makers. 

Bow  stave  preparers. 


M 


^ip 


164 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


Glow  makers. 

Morryce  pike  makers  and  of  halbert  staves. 

Makers  of  spades  and  shovel's  for  pyoners,  trentcht.  s,  and  forte  makers. 

Makers  of  basketts  to  cary  eartlie  to  fortes  and  rampiers. 

Pioners  and  spaJemen  for  fortification. 

Salte  peter  makers. 

Gonne  powder  makers. 

Targett  makers  of  homes,  defensive  againstc  savages. 

Oylethole  doublett  makers,  defensive,  iighte  and  gentle  to  lye  in. 

Turners  of  targetts  of  ehne,  and  of  other  toughe  woodds  Iighte. 

Shippes,  1 

^         *"  '  •  furnished  with  experte  Seamen. 

Barkes, 

Busses  with  flatt  botoms, 

Swifte  boates  and  barges  to  passe  by  windc  and  oare,  covered  with 
quilted  canvas  of  defence  againste  sh(^tt  from  the  shoare,  to  perce 
ryvers  for  discoverie,  and  to  passe  to  and  froe,  offensive  and  defen- 
sive againste  savages,  devised  by  Mr.  liodenham  of  Spaine. 

Shipwrights  in  some  nomber  to  be  emi)loyed  on  the  timber. 

Oare  makers,  and  makers  of  cable  and  of  cordage. 


PROVISIONS     INCIDENT     TO     THE     FIRSTE     TRAFICQUE     AND     TRADE    OV 

MARCUAXDIZE. 

Grubbers  and  rooters  upp  of  cipres,  cedars,  and  of  all  other  faire  trees, 

for  to  be  employed  in  coffers,  deskes,  &c.,  for  traficque. 
Mattocks,  narrowe  and  longe,  of  yron,  to  that  purpose. 
Millwrights,  to  make  millcs  for  spedy  and  cheape  sawinge  of  timber  and 

boardes  for  trade,  and  firste  traficque  of  suertie. 
Millwrights,  for  corne  milles. 
Sawyers,  for  comon  use. 
Cai-pinters,  for  buildingos. 
Joyners,  to  cutt  oute  the  boordes  into   chests   to  be  imbarqued  for 

England. 
Blacksmithes,  to  many  greate  and  nedefull  uses. 
Pitclie  makers. 
Tarr  makers. 

Burners  of  asshes  for  the  trade  of  sope  asshes. 
Cowpers,  for  barrells  tc  inclose  those  asshes. 

Tallow  chandlers,  to  prepare  the  tallowe  to  be  incasked  for  England. 
Waxechandlers,  to  prepare  waxe  in  like  sorte. 
Diers,  to  seeke  in  that  firme  that  riche  cochinilho  and  other  thinges  for 

that  trade. 
Mynerall  men. 


WESTERNE   PLANTING. 


165 


ARTESANES,    8ERV1NGE  OUU  FIBSTE  PLANTERS,    NOT  IN   TKAKICQL'E   BUT 

FOR  BUILDINOE8. 

Brick  makers. 

Tile  makers. 

Lyme  makers. 

Bricklayers. 

Tilers. 

Thachers  with  recile,  russbes,  broome,  or  strawo. 

Syiikers  of  wallcs  and  finders  of  springes. 

(iiiarrcllers  to  digge  tile. 

Roiighe  Masons. 

Cai'pinters. 

Lathmakers. 


AKTESANES,  SERVINGE  OUR  FIRSTS  PL.VNTERS,  .OfD  IN  PARTE   8ERV1NGB 

FOR  TRAl'lCQUE. 

Barbors. 

Launders. 

Tailors. 

Bdtcbers. 

Paile  makers. 

Burcaebiomakers. 

Botflemakers  of  London. 

Shoemakers,  coblers. 

Tanners,  white  tawyers. 

]5iifle  skynne  dressers. 

Sliamew  skynne  di'essers. 


A  PRESENT    PROVISION  FOR    liAISIXGE    A    NOT.UiLE    TRADE    FOR    THE 

TIME   TO   CO.MK. 


The  knitt  wollen  cappe  of  Toledo  in  Spaine,  called  honetfo  riir/io 
colkrado,  so  infinitely  solde  to  the  ]M()<ires  in  Darharie  and  AHVicke, 
is  to  be  prepared  in  London,  Ilereforde,  and  llosse,  and  to  be 
vented  to  the  people,  and  may  become  a  notable  trade  of  gaine  to 
the  nmrchaunte,  and  a  greate  reliefe  to  our  poore  peoitle,  and  a  sale 
of  our  woU  and  of  our  labour ;  and  beinge  suche  a  cappe  that 
every  particuler  person  will  buye  and  may  easelie  compasse,  the 
sale  wil  be  greate  in  shorte  time,  especially  if  our  people  weare 
them  at  their  firste  arryvall  there. 


166 


DISCOURSE    CONCERNING 


TIIINGE8  FORGOTTEN  MAY  HERE  BE  NOTED  AS  TUEY  COME  TO  MYNDE, 
AND  AKTER  RE  PLACED  WITH  THE  REST,  AND  AFTER  THAT  IN  ALL 
UE   REDUCED   INTO   TUE   REST   ORDER. 


That  there  be  appointed  one  or  twoo  preachers  for  the  voyadge, 
that  God  may  be  honoured,  the  people  instructed,  mutinies  the  bet- 
tor avoided,  and  obedience  the  better  usea,  that  the  voyadge  may 
have  the  better  successe. 

That  the  voyadge  be  furnished  with  Bibles  and  with  Bookes  of 
service.  That  the  bookes  of  the  discoveries  and  conquests  of  the 
Easte  Indies  be  carried  with  you. 

That  the  bookes  of  the  discoveries  of  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
conquests  of  the  same,  be  also  caried,  to  kope  mer  occupied  from 
worse  cogitations,  and  to  raise  their  niyndes  to  courage  and  higlie 
enterprizes,  and  to  make  them  lesse  careles  for  the  better  slioii- 
nynge  of  comon  daungers  in  suche  cases  arisinge.  And  because 
men  are  more  apte  to  make  themselves  subjecte  iu  obedience  to 
prescribed  lawes  sett  downe  and  signed  by  a  prince,  then  to  the 
changeable  will  of  any  capitaine,  be  he  never  so  wise  or  temperale, 
never  so  free  from  desire  of  revenge,  it  is  wisslied  that  it  were 
learned  oute  what  course  bothe  the  Spaniardes  and  Portingak'S 
tooke,  in  their  discoveries,  for  government,  and  that  the  same  were 
delivered  to  learned  men,  that  had  jiased  moste  of  the  lawes  of  th' 
empire  and  of  other  princes  lawes,  and  that  thereupon  some 
gpeciall  orders,  fitt  for  voyadges  and  begyunynges,  miglite  ujjon  de- 
liberation be  sett  downe  and  allowed  by  the  Queenes  moste  excel- 
lent Majestic  and  her  wise  counsell ;  and,  faire  ingrossed,  mighte  iu 
a  table  be  sett  before  the  eyes  of  suche  as  goe  in  the  voyadge,  tliat 
110  man  poonished  or  executed  may  justly  complaine  of  manife!-te 
and  open  wronge  offred. 

That  some  phisition  be  provided  to  minister  by  counsell  and  by 
pliisicke,  to  kepe  and  preserve  from  sicknes,  or  by  skill  to  cure 
suche  as  fall  into  disease  and  distemjierature. 

A  surgeon  to  lett  blonde,  and  for  such  as  may  chaunce,  by  warres 
or  otherwise,  to  be  hurte,  is  more  nedefuU  for  the  voyadge. 

An  apothecarye  to  serve  the  phisition  is  requisite ;  and,  the  phi- 
sition dienge,  he  may  chaunce  (well  chosen)  to  stande  in  steede  of 
the  one  and  thother,  and  to  sende  into  the  realme,  by  seede  and 
roote,  herbes  and  plautes  of  rare  excellencie. 


WESTERNE    PLANTING. 


167 


If  suche  plentie  of  honye  be  in  these  regions  as  is  saied,  yt  were 
to  goodd  purpose  to  cary  in  the  voyadge  siiehe  of  the  servauntes  of 
the  Russia  Companie  as  have  the  skill  to  make  the  drincke  called 
raeth,  which  tliey  use  in  Russia  and  Poland,  and  nerer,  as  in  North 
Wales,  for  their  wine ;  and,  if  you  cannot  cary  any  suchc,  to  cary 
the  order  of  the  makinge  of  yt  in  writinge,  that  it  may  be  made  for 
a  nede. 

And,  before  many  thinges,  this  one  thinge  is  to  be  called,  as  yt 
were,  with  spede  to  mynde,  that  the  prisons  and  corners  of  London 
are  full  of  decayed  marchantes,  overthrowen  by  losse  at  sea.  by 
usuerers,  suertishippe,  and  by  sondry  other  suche  raeanes,  and  dare 
or  cannot  for  their  debtes  shewe  their  faces  ;  and  in  truthe  many 
excellent  giftes  be  in  many  of  these  men,  and  their  goodd  giftes  are 
not  ymployed  to  any  manner  of  use,  nor  are  not  like  of  themselves 
to  procure  libertie  to  employe  themselves,  but  are,  withoute  some 
sneciall  meane  used,  to  starve  by  wante,  or  to  shorten  their  tymes 
by  thoughte ;  and  for  that  these  men,  schooled  in  the  house  of 
adversitie,  are  drawen  to  a  degree  higher  in  excellencye,  and  may 
be  employed  to  greate  uses  in  this  purposed  voyadge,  yt  were  to 
greate  purpose  to  use  meanes  by  aucthoritie  for  suche  as  maliciously, 
wrongfully,  or  for  triflinge  causes  are  deteyued,  and  to  take  of  them 
and  of  others  that  hide  their  heades,  and  to  employe  them;  for  so 
they  may  be  relieved,  and  the  enterprice  furthered  in  many  res- 
pectes. 

And,  in  choice  of  all  artesanes  for  the  voyadge,  this  general  rule 
were  goodd  to  be  observed,  that  no  man  be  chosen  that  is  knowen 
to  be  a  Papiste,  for  the  special!  inclynation  they  have  of  favour  to 
the  Kinge  of  Spaine. 

That  also,  of  those  artesanes  winch  are  Protestantes,  that  where 
you  may  have  chaunge  and  choir  -.,  that  suche  as  be  moste  strongo 
and  lusty  men  be  chosen,  and  sucht  as  can  best  handle  his  bowe  or 
his  harquebushe ;  for  the  more  goodd  giftes  that  the  goers  in  the 
voyadge  have,  the  more  ys  the  voyadge  benefited.  And  therefore 
(many  goinge),  yf  every  mans  giftes  and  gojdd  qualities  be  entred 
into  a  booke  before  they  be  receaved,  they  may  be  enipluyod  upon 
any  necessitie  in  the  voyadge  in  this  or  in  that,  accordinge  a;:,  occa- 
sion of  nede  shall  require. 


A  moste 
nedet'ul  note. 


ml 
Will 

'i'li 


FINIS. 


w 


i 

h  ■ 

-.1 

?■  ''H  ■ 

1 

I 

1 

APPENDIX. 


II  n 

j 

II B' 

iMIi; 

ii; 

' •:  :i 


NOTKS   TO    llAKLUYT'S   DISCOURSE. 


KOTE   ON  THE  TITLE-PAGE. 


'TTW 


CoMPAUK  linos  one  to  five  with  the  second  paracfmidi  of  the 
title  of  Sir  George  I'eckliam's  "  True  Report."    (Ilak.  III.  lOo.) 

This  sentence,  ineoniplete  and  unj^rainniatical  as  it  stands, 
may  be  corrected  as  follows :  "  The  greato  necessitio  that  tiie 
IJealnie  of  Enjjjlande  should  take  possession  of  the  Westerne 
discoueries  lately  jittenipled,  and  the  manifolde  coniodyties 
which  are  likely  to  growe  to  it  from  so  doing." 

"  JJiscoiieries  latehj  attonptaV — Viz.,  by  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  in  1583;  and  by  some  othera  previously. 

''Writtm  .  ,  .  hy  Birharde  JIacklmjt  of  Oxforda:' —  Tho 
author  elsewhere  styles  himself  more  fully  "sometime  student 
of  Christ  Church  in  Oxford,"  or  "I'reaeher,"  to  distinguish  him- 
self from  his  cousin  Richard  Ilakluyt,  of  the  Middle  Temple. 

"7?r?y/i///."  —  This  way  of  spelling  Raleigh's  name  is  quite 
unique.  Cayley,  his  biographer,  says  he  had  "seen  the  name 
written  in  thirteen  diflerent  ways;"  and  this  diffi-rs  from  either 
of  those  which  he  has  given.  Ilerrera  writes  the  name  "Gual- 
teral,"  "  ingeniously  fusing  into  one  liis  Christian  and  family 
names."  (JNIotley,  Hist,  of  United  Netherlands,  HI.  :W1.)  Sir 
Walter  himself  wrote  his  name  "Ralegh,"  and  is  followed  by 
Oldys,  Edwards,  and  others.  Ilis  son  Carew  a<lopted  the 
spelling  "  Raleigh,"  which  has  come  into  general  use,  ami  is 
hence  adopted  in  this  volume.  (See  Read's  Hudson,  pp.  30,  31, 
note.) 

"  Koice  Kn'ightP  —  Mr.  Walter  Raleigh,  on  whose  request  the 
Discourse  had  been  written,  had  now,  at  the  time  when  this 
title-page  was  prefixed  to  it,  been  made  Knijjht.     The  exact 


III 

ii 


ll 


^■P 


I 

If 

I 


172 


APPENDIX. 


date  on  M'hich  tho  honor  of  kiiif^litliood  was  confcrrod  on  him 
is  not  recor<lo<l.  Tho  latest  (hito  on  whicli,  aftor  careful  search, 
ho  is  f'oiiiiil  to  hiive  heen,  in  any  official  way,  Ntyled  siniply  Mr. 
or  Eh(|.,  is  on  the  I'Jtii  DecenilK'r,  ir)Hl,  on  the  first  reading  in 
th(*  House  of  Lords  of  the  Itill  confirming  his  Patent.  (Lords 
Jonrnal,  Vol.  L  p.  7(5.)  This  is  one  day  later  than  had  been 
noticed  by  '^'•Ivs  (p.  M).  Ti>e  carlicftt  date  on  which  he  is 
found    oflic  .styled    Sir    Walter    is   '24th    February,    l.'')85. 

(iJ'Ewes' .Jo  .nal,  p.  .'J5();  and  T'lirleigh's  Orders  to  know  tho 
force  of  the  Stainiaries,  hi  St.  John's  Ualeigh,  p.  1)1,  ed-  1809.) 
The  time  at  which  he  was  knighted  must  have  been  between 
these  dates. 

It  is  aflirnied  by  .1.  Payne  Collier,  Esq.,  that,  in  the  title  to 
his  cojty  of  llaleiglTs  Patent,  he  is  styled  already  Knight; 
and  it  is  hence  argued  by  him  that  ho  was  knighted  at  least 
a  year  before  tho  time  usvuiUy  assigned  to  that  event.  (Areho3- 
ologia,  Vol.  XXXIV.  j)p.  115,  14(;,  ISS'i.)  It  is  sufficient  to 
answer  that  the  original  Patent  Poll,  bearing  date  25th  March, 
1584,  has  no  title  or  caption  (20  Eliz.,  Pt.  I.),  .and  that  tho 
titles  or  captions  found  prefixed  to  tho  several  reprints  or 
Copies  of  tlii  iginal  Patent  are  the  work  of  the  several  editors 
or  copyist  '  stand  entirely  on  their  authority  ;    that  tho 

cai)tions  pren...  .i  to  Ilakluyt's  reprints  of  this  T'atent  in  his 
edition  of  1589  (p.  725),  and  in  that  of  1000  (III.  24:}),  were 
added  by  himself.  In  both  these  editions,  the  title  is  the  same ; 
viz.,  "  The  Letters  Patents  graunted  by  tho  Queenes  IM.ajestio 
to  M.  W.alter  Ralegh,  now  Knight,"  &c.  And  it  signifies,  as 
in  our  title-page,  only  this  :  that,  whereas,  in  the  body  of 
the  original  I'atent,  the  Patentee  is  styled  Walter  llalegh, 
Esq.,  he  had  now,  viz.,  at  the  time  when  this  caption  was  pre- 
fixed, been  made  Knight.  The  copy  of  Raleigh's  Patent,  which 
Collier  speaks  of  as  /*«.■*,  can  hardly  have  been  made  from  these 
well-known  reprints  of  Ilakluyt,  with  his  caption  prefixed.  It 
was  probably  taken  from  that  preserved  in  tho  Record  OtHce, 
and  referred  to  in  Dom.  Eliz.,  Vol.  CLXIX.  No.  37.  To  this 
copy  the  following  title  is  prefixed,  viz. :  "Letters  Patent,  from 
Qu.  Eliz.  to  Sir  Walter  Rawleigh,  entitled  The  Lfes  Patents 
granted   by   the  Queene's  Majestic,  to  Mr.  Walter  Raleigh, 


Ifl 


NOTES    TO    IIAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


173 


Tviit.,"  Sn'.  Hilt  this  copy,  as  Wf  nro  aHsiirod  by  Mr.  SaiiiHlmry, 
w!iH  iiiaili'  by  a  very  inaccurate  ck-rlx  <>t'  Sir  Joscpii  Williamson, 
in  tlic  time  of  Cliarics  II.  Tiic  caption  was  duulitlcss  prclixoil 
by  the  dork.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  it  cannot  justify  tlio 
conclusion  drawn  from  it  by  Mr.  Collier,  or  any  conclusion, 
cxcejit  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  clerlv  who  wrote  the  cap- 
tion, the  Walter  IImIcIl;!!,  Kscp,  of  (he  orij^inal  Patent,  had  been 
sul»se(piently  kiiiijfhted. 

It  mii^ht  bo  added,  if  it  were  wortli  while  to  urgtie  this  jjoint 
further,  that  not  only  in  the  orii^inal  Patent,  but  in  the  State 
Papers  referring  to  it,  up  to  th(f  time  of  its  confirmativ.n  by 
Parliament,  the  Patentee  Ls  always  styled  Walter  Jialeigh, 
Escp     (See  Dom.  Eliz.,  Vol.  CLXIX.  Nos.  85,  80.) 

"  Before  the-  coinyiuje  home  of  his  two  b>tr/:e.'i"  —  Tlic  two 
barks  were  those  which  left  England  *27tli  April,  1584,  under 
the  connnand  of  Captains  Aiiiiidiis  and  IJarlow,  and  returii('(l 
"about  the  middest  of  September"  of  the  same  year.  (llak. 
III.  t»4G,  '250.) 

"  Ami  is  devided  info  rxi  chapiters,  the  titles  inhcrcof  fol- 
loioa  in  the  iiexte  leaf:.'''' — The  original  manuscript  of  this 
Discourse,  written  in  1584,  and  the  first  (and  )ierh;i])s  the 
second)  copy  of  it  made  in  1585,  were  divided  into  <»/v  ?(/■// chap- 
ters only,  to  which  were  prefixed  only  twenty  titles  or  heads, 
"orrcsponding  to  those  of  our  copy.  The  twenty-first  chapter 
and  its  title  were  added  aflerwards,  though  exactly  when  is  not 
known. 

It  thus  appears  that  this  title-page  could  not  have  been 
jirefixed  to  the  original  Discourse.  That  was  presented  to 
(iueen  Elizabeth  by  the  author  two  days  before  his  dis))atch  to 
Paris,  after  his  summer  vacation  in  London;  whereas  this  title- 
])age  could  not  have  been  written  until  after  the  miildle  of 
September,  1584,  when  the  two  barks  had  returned  ;  nor  until 
afler  the  lOtli  December  of  that  year,  when  Ifaleigh  had  not 
yet  been  knighted ;  nor  until  after  Easter  of  1585,  when  as  yet 
the  Discourse  was  divided  into  only  twenty  chapters. 

The  original  Discourse  was  called  by  its  author  '•  Mr.  Tiawley's 
Voyage,"  and  probably  bore  this  title  when  presented  to  the 
Queen.  The  first  copy,  made  for  Walsingham,  ami  pre- 
sented   to  him  in    1585,   was   called   "Sir  Walter  Ilaleigh'a 


lii 


174 


APPENDIX. 


Voyage  to  the  West  Indies,"  and  ])robal)ly  was  so  designated 
on  its  title-page.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  at  Avliat 
time  and  on  what  occasion  our  more  full  and  descriptive  title- 
page  was  substituted.  w. 


r  I 


I  ; 


I    r 


: 

1 

1 

1 
I 
\ 
1 
■■ 

f 

1 

NOTE  ON  THE  HEADS  OF  CHAPTERS. 

A  copy  of  the  Heads  of  Chapters  of  this  Discourse,  to  which 
the  twenty-first  Head  had  not  yet  been  added,  and  which  hence 
r.iust  have  been  earlier  than  oi'rs,  is  preserved  in  the  Public 
Record  Ottice  (Doni.  Eliz.,  Vol.  CXCV.  No.  1-J7),  and  is  pub- 
lished in  full  in  this  Appendix,  m  f-.tc-simiJe. 

It  appears  from  the  foct-note  subjoined  to  that  earlier  copy 
that  it  was  a  transcript  ma<le  from  the  original  manuscript, 
or  from  a  cojjy  of  that.  Now,  on  comi)aring  our  later  copy 
wiih  the  earlier  copy  thus  preserved,  it  is  found  to  agree  with 
it  verbatiin  et  literatim,  so  far  as  tliat  is  legible,  a.id  where  it 
has  becotiie  illegible  8uj)plies  exactly  the  words,  the  syll.ables, 
and  the  letters  which  have  been  effaced.  From  this  it  fol- 
lows that  our  Heads  of  Chapters  {i.e.  from  the  first  to  the 
twenticih  inclusive),  agreeing  thus  exactly  with  a  copy  certified 
by  the  autlior  as  made  by  himself,  are  authenticated  as  at  least 
a  faithful  copy  of  the  original,  and  that  the  several  chaj)ters 
to  w'l  '  "h  they  are  respectively  ju'efixed  through  the  whole 
Discourse,  must  also  be  authentic. 

The  several  topics  suggested  in  those  twenty  Heads  of  Chap- 
ters had,  for  the  most  part,  been  already  noticed,  by  the  author 
liimself,  and  by  Sir  Hum])hrey  Gilbert  and  his  associates  in 
their  various  arguments  for  this  enterprise,  though  in  a  manner 
less  full  ami  systematic. 

But  the  to])ics  discussed  under  Heads  No.  V.  to  No.  XI.  in- 
clusive, in  which  the  bearings  ,)f  this  enterprise  upon  the  power 
of  the  King  of  Spain  are  set  forth,  form  an  exception  to  this 
statement ;  as  they  had  not  been  insisted  on,  and  perhaps  hail 
been  designedly  omitted,  in  the  previous  arguments.  Luring 
the  nominal  peace  which  had  existed  between  England  and 
Spain  for  some  years  previous  to  the  date  of  this  Discourse, 
topics  of  this  nature,  however  much  they  may  have  occui)ied 
men's  thoughts,  could  not  consistently  have  been  openly  ad- 


lesignnted 
T  at  what 
itivc  title- 
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NOTES   TO   HAKLUYtS    DISCOURSE. 


175 


vanced.  But  wlion,  in  ir)S4,  wnr  Imd  been  virtually  prorlaimod, 
this  reserve  was  no  longer  nt'cesHary,  certainly  in  a  iliHcoiirso 
intended  to  bo  seen  only  by  the  Queen  and  her  Councillors. 
On  the  contrary,  just  at  this  juncturo  of  her  affairs,  these  topics, 
in  which  this  enterprise  was  represented  as  a  prominent  part 
of  the  military  jdan  of  the  fjroat  conflict  upon  which  she  was 
then  entering,  were  the  ones  most  likely  to  gain  for  it  the  favor 
of  the  tiueen  and  of  her  cabinet. 

But  although  these  topics  do  not  occur  in  the  discourses  of 
Hayes,  of  C'arlyle,  or  of  Peckham,  they  are  abundantly  set  forth 
in  those  of  Sir  Waller  Ualeigh,  subsequently  written  or  pub- 
lished. And,  as  hu  had  now  become  the  patron  of  this  en- 
terprise, it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  they  were 
added  by  Ilakhiyt  to  those  ho  had  previously  written  under 
other  intliiences,  by  Raleigh's  particular  request  and  direction; 
and,  indeed,  that  they  were  the  means  of  imparting  to  tho 
enterprise  that  new  character  which  it  soon  assumed,  more  in 
accordance  with  the  present  emergency. 

Below  are  copies  of  three  of  the  heads  of  cliapters  taken 
from  the  manuscript  in  the  Public  Record  Oflice,  of  which  a 
/f»'-.s'/?H/7e  is  imblished  in  this  appendix  :  the  words  and  letters 
wanting  in  those  heads  or  sections  being  supplied  from  tho 
same  sections  of  this  Discourse.  To  that  extent  tho  two  lists 
will  be  found  tr>  r»grce;  and  the  reader  who  has  a  curiosity  to 
compare  the  remaindtr  of  the  heads  of  chapters  in  tho  two  lists, 
will  find  a  like  agreement  as  far  as  to  the  twentieth  chapter. 

I.  That  this  wcsterne  di.scourye  will  be  g[reately  for  thinlarge- 
mente  of  the  gospell]  of  Christe,  whereuuto  tho  princes  of  tho 
[refourmed  relligion  aro  chefely]  bound,  among  whomc  her 
Ma"® :  is  principall. 

II.  That  all  other  Englisho  trades  are  gi'owen  beggcrlyc  or  dan- 
g[erous,]  especially  in  all  the  Kinge  of  Spayne  his  dumynions, 
where  [our]  men  aro  dryvcn  to  flingo  their  bibles  &  prayer 
bookes  into  the  sea,  and  to  forsweare  &  renounce  their  relli- 
gion &  conscience  &  consequently  theyr  obedycnce  to  her 
Ma"» : 

[X.  A  brefe  decla]racon  of  the  chefe  Ilandes  in  the  bay  of  IMkxico 
[being  u]nde[r]  the  Kinge  of  Spaine  with  their  havens  &  fortes, 
&  what  comodities  they  yeeld.  w. 


^ii 


"li 


F-i 


a 


■ 


ffill! 


176 


APPENDIX. 


NOTES  ON  THE  TEXT  OF  THE  DISCOURSE. 

Page  7. 

The  people  "  which  Stephen  Oomes  hroughte  from  the  coaste 
of  N^orumhega  in  the  yere  1524  [1525J." 

Estavan  Gomez  was  a  Portuguese  pilot,  who,  about  1518, 
entered  the  service  of  Spain.  He  sailed  with  Magellan  on  his 
famous  voyage  in  1519,  as  pilot  of  one  of  the  vessels,  the  "  San 
Antonia";  but  he  did  not  accompany  the  cominander  through 
the  strait  whicii  now  bears  his  name.  With  his  ship  and  crew, 
Gomez  deserted  Magellan  and  returned  home,  reporting  the 
strait  as  too  dangerous  for  passage.  On  the  return  of  the 
remaining  vessel,  in  1522,  having  for  the  first  time  made  the 
voyage  round  the  world,  Gomez  proposed  to  lead  an  expedition 
for  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  jiassage.  The  rival  claims  of 
Spain  and  Portugal  to  the  division  of  the  newly  discovered 
regions  delayed  the  sailing  of  his  expedition.  The  council  of 
Badajos  was  convened  in  1524,  and  Gomez  was  sent  as  commis- 
sionc.  That  council  settled  nothing.  On  its  dissolution,  his 
preparations  were  completed;  and  he  sailed  from  Corunna  in 
February,  1525.  Nothing  from  his  own  pen  or  that  of  his 
companions  relating  to  this  voyage  lias  come  down  to  us  ;  and 
the  accounts  in  Peter  Martyr,  Oviedo,  Gomara,  Herrera,  and 
Galvano,  are  fragmentary  and  unsatisfactory.  It  is  not  certain 
where  he  made  his  l;ind-fall :  whether  he  sailed  up  or  down  our 
coast.  The  authorities  conflict.  Dr.  Kohl,  wlio  has  given  an 
excellent  summary  of  the  evidence,  in  the  first  volume  of  our 
"Documentary  History,"  at  pages  271-281,  is  of  opinion  that 
he  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  to  the  south  as  far 
us  40°  or  41*  N.  Failing  to  find  the  passage  sought  for,  he 
tooK  on  board  nf  his  vessels,  probably  at  this  place,  a  number 
of  Indians  and  carried  thera  to  Spain.  He  was  absent  ten 
months.  An  interesting  memorial  of  his  voyage  exists  on  the 
map  of  the  Spanish  cosmog-apher  Ribero,  of  1529.  On  a  large 
section  of  the  map,  representing  apjiarently  the  territory  ol' 
New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  is  inscribed  in  large  letters, 


/\ 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


177 


',  the  coaste 


♦'Ticrra  de  Eslevan  Gomez,"  continued  in  Spanish  in  smaller 
cliaracLcrs,  "which  he  fliscovcrcd  at  tlie  command  of  his  Majesty, 
in  'viie  year  1525.  There  are  here  many  trees  and  fruits  similar 
to  \,hose  in  Spain ;  and  many  walrusses,  and  salmon,  and  fish 
of  all  sorts.  Gold  they  have  not  found."  In  the  text  of  Ilak- 
luyt  cited  above,  he  says  that  Gomez  brought  these  idolaters 
from  "  the  coast  of  Norumbega." 

On  page  25  of  this  Discourse,  Hakluyt  quotes  the  passage 
about  Gomez  from  the  Italian  of  Ramusio,  Vol.  III.  Tiie 
original  Spanish  is  here  given  from  the  "Sumario"  of  Oviedo, 
fjl.  xiiii.,  followed  by  the  English  version  of  Richard  Eden. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  writer  does  not  mention  "  Norum- 
bega"  by  name:  — 

Despues  que  V.  M.  esta  enesta  cibdad  de  Toledo  llego  aqni 
enel  mes  de  Nouiembre,  el  piloto  Esteuan  gotnez,  el  qual  enel 
ano  passado  de  mil  y  quinientos  y  veynte  y  quatro :  por 
miidado  de  V.  M.  sue  ala  ])arte  d'l  norto,  y  hiillit  mucha  tierra 
continuada  con  la  que  so  llama  delos  Bacallaos,  <liscurriendo  al 
occidete,  y  puesta  en  quaranta  grados  y.  xli.  y  assi  algo  mas  y 
algo  menos,  de  donde  truro  algunos  indios,  y  los  ay  dellos  al 
presente  enesta  cibdad,  los  quales  son  de  mayor  cstatura  quo 
los  dela  tierra  firme,  segun  lo  que  dellos  paresce  comii,  y  porq 
el  dicho  piloto  dize  q  vido  muchos  dellos  y  q  son  assi  todos  : 
la  color  es  assi  como  los  d'  tierra  firme,  y  son  grados  frecheros, 
y  audit  cubiertos  de  cueros  de  venados  y  otros  animales,  y  ay  en 
acjuella  tierra  exceletes  martas  zebellinas  y  otros  ricos  enforros, 
y  d'stas  pieles  truxo  algnn.As  el  dicho  piloto:  tienc  j)lata  y 
cobre,  segu  estos  indios  dizO  y  lo  dfi  a  enteder  por  seiias,  y  adorjT 
el  sol  y  la  luna,  y  assi  ternil  otras  ydolatrias  y  errores,  como  los 
de  tierra  firme  :  — 

"  Shortly  after  that  your  Maiestie  came  to  the  citle  of  Toledo, 
there  arryuod  in  the  nioneth  of  Nouember,  Steuen  Gomos  the 
])yl()t  who  the  yeare  before  of  l.")24:  by  the  comtnaundement  of 
youre  Maiestie  sayled  to  the  Northe  partes  ami  founde  a  greato. 
jiarte  of  lande  continuate  from  that  which  is  cauled  Bacadens 
discoursytige  tow^arde  the  West  to  the  xl.  and  xli.  degree,  fro 
whense  he  brought  certeyne  Indians  (for  so  caule  wee  al!  the  na- 
tions of  the  new  founde  landes)  of  the  whiche  he  brought  sum 
with  hym  from  thense  who  are  ye  tin  Toledo  at  this  present,  and 

28 


f  ■■ 


"■I 

]i\ 

HI 


178 


APPENDIX. 


of  greater  stature  tlien  other  of  the  firme  l.inde  as  they  are  com- 
moiilye.  Then*  coloure  is  much  lyke  thotlier  of  the  firme  lande. 
They  are  great  archers,  and  go  covered  with  the  skinnes  of 
dyuers  heastes  both  wylde  and  tame.  In  this  lande  are  many  ex- 
cellent iiirres,  or  marterns,  sables,  and  such  other  rych  furres  of 
the  which  the  sayde  pilote  brought  summe  with  hyni  into 
Si)ayne.  Tliey  haue  syluer  and  copper,  and  certeyne  other 
metalls.  They  are  Idolatres  and  lionoure  the  soonne  and  moone, 
and  are  seduced  with  snche  superstitions  and  errours  as  .are 
they  of  the  firme."  (Richard  Eden's  "Decades  of  the  new 
worlde  ur  west  India,"  &c.,  London,  1555,  fols.  '213,  214.) 

It  strikes  one  with  a  little  surprise  that  Ilakhiyt  throughout 
this  Discourse  should  cite  his  Spanish  authorities  .at  second- 
liand  through  the  It.alian  of  Ilamusio,  whenever  they  are  to  be 
found  in  th.at  conij)iler's  volumes,  rather  than  directly  from 
the  original  works  of  those  authors  themselves.  We  can  hardly 
suppose  that  he  had  not  access,  in  this  instance,  to  the  "Suma- 
rio"  of  Oviedo,  published  at  Toledo  iii  152G.  The  volumes  of 
Itamusio  were  certainly  convenient  for  reference,  embracing  "s 
they  do  the  works  of  nuuierous  authoi's;  but  the  impropriety 
of  quoting  long  extracts  from  Spanish  writers  through  an  Italian 
version,  when  the  original  works  were  accessible,  does  not 
apj)ear  to  have  occurred  to  Ilakluyt.  He  alw.ays  quotes  Gomara 
from  the  Italian  or  French  versions.  One  is  .almost  inclined 
to  accept  Mr.  Hiddle's  conjecture,  that  Ilakluyt  w.as  ignorant 
of  Spanish.  "The  Siianish  histories  which  I  have  read"  (see 
p.  47  of  this  Discourse)  may  have  been  translations  from  that 
language.  But  a  fac-simile  of  a  manuscript  of  Ilakluj't  of  a 
later  period  is  inserted  in  the  "  Divers  Voyages,"  published  by 
the  Ilakluyt  Society,  which  conchides  as  follows :  "Translated 
out  of  Spanish  by  Jlichnrd  Ilakluyt."  lie  may  in  the  mean 
time  liave  learned  the  lansjruage. 

Page  7. 


Gio.  Battista  Ramusio  was  born  at  Trevigi,  in  14!*"),  and 
died  in  15"i7.  He  edited  three  valuable  volumes  of  voyages 
in  Italian,  the  first  of  which  was  published  at  Venice  in  1550, 


ire  com- 
le  lantle. 
innes  of 
iiaiiy  ex- 

flUTCS  of 

yin  into 
ne  other 
1  nioone, 
i  as  are 
the  new 

4.) 
roughoiit 

t  second- 
are to  he 
3tly  from 
an  hardly 
e  "  Suma- 
olumes  of 
l)rachi<j;  '^s 
ipropriety 
I  an  Italian 
does   not 
>8  Gomara 
t  inclined 
1  ignorant 
jad"  (see 
froni  that 
Lluyt  of  a 
)lished  by 
ranslated 
the  mean 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


179 


|l4!^5,  and 
If  voyages 
in  15C)0, 


entitled  "Primn  Volume  delle  Navigation!  et  Viaggi,"  &c. 
The  second  volmne  was  published  in  1550,  after  the  deatli  of  the 
Editor ;  and  the  third,  which  relates  wholly  to  America,  in 
1560,  the  year  before  Ramusio's  death.  lie  was  diligent  and 
successful  in  collecting  original  materials  for  his  work,  and 
was  a  correspondent,  among  others,  of  Oviedo  and  Cabot. 

Page  7. 

«  (kiiedor 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  y  Vahles  was  born  at  IMadrid, 
in  1478.  lie  was  educated  at  the  Court  of  Spain,  and  was 
page  to  Prince  Juan.  In  1514,  he  was  sent  out  to  the  New 
World  as  supervisor  of  gold-smcltiiigs,  and  lived  at  Darien  in 
Tierra  Firme.  He  subsequently  established  liimself  at  llis- 
paniola.  He  lived  in  America  nearly  forty  years,  including 
occasional  visits  to  S|>ain.  In  15l26,  he  ])ublished  at  Toledo 
his  Sumario,  entitled  "  Ouiedo  do  la  natural  hystoria  de  las 
Indias."  Mr.  Ticknor,  in  liis  "History  of  Spanish  Literature" 
(3d  ed.  II.  33),  errs  in  assigning  1528  as  the  date  of  this  publi- 
cation, and  also  in  saying  that  the  work  is  a  "summary  of  the 
History  of  tlie  Spanish  Conquests  in  the  New  World."  A 
copy  is  in  Harvard  CoHege  Library.  It  contains,  mainly, 
an  account  of  the  West  Indies,  tlieir  geography,  climate,  tlie 
races  who  inliabited  them,  together  with  tlieir  animals  and 
vegetable  productions.  Oviedo  wrote  a  larger  and  more  im- 
))nrtant  work,  entitled  "Lahistoria  general  de  las  Indias,''  on 
whicli  he  was  employed  when  he  ]uiblis]ied  his  "Sumario."  It 
originally  consisted  of  fifty  books,  divideil  into  three  parts. 
Tiie  first  part,  consisting  of  nineteen  books,  an<l  perhaps  a  part 
of  another,  Avas  published  in  1535,  at  Seville.  It  embraces  in  a 
more  extended  form  the  details  contained  in  the  "  Sumario," 
besides  an  account  of  the  discoveries  anil  conquests  of  the 
Islands.  With  the  exception  of  the  twentietli  book,  whidi  was 
publislied  in  1557,  at  Valladolid,  the  renuuning  two  parts,  relating 
to  the  conquests  of  Mexico,  Peru,  and  otiier  countries  of  South 
America,  continued  in  manuscript  till  within  a  few  years.  Tlie 
whole  work  was  published  by  tlio  Koy.-U  Acailemy  of  Madrid, 
in   4   vols.,  1851-55.      Large  portions  of  the  "  Sumario  "  were 


180 


APPENDIX. 


translatcil  into  English  by  Richanl  Edon,  and  pnblishcfl  in 
1555,  in  his  "  Decades  of  the  New  World,"  fols.  173-214,  Ex- 
tracts  from  this  version  are  in  Purchas,  III.  970.  Oviedo  died 
in  1557.  (See  Prescott's  Conquest  of  Mexico,  II.  293-295; 
Harrisse's  Biblioth.  Amer.  Vet.  pp.  255,  256,  337-339.) 


Pages  7,  27,  111,  112. 
"  Jaques  CartierP 

The  extracts  here  given,  from  the  "second  relation"  of  Car- 
tier,  may  be  found  in  substantially  the  same  language  in  Vol. 
III.  of  Hakluyt's  large  Collection,  1598-1000,  where  he  pub- 
lishes the  narratives  of  Cartier's  three  voyages.  From  the 
passage  on  p.  112  of  this  Discourse,  it  appears  that  Ilakluyt  had 
consulted  an  original  manuscript  account  of  Cartier's  second 
voyage  in  the  king's  library  in  Paris,  which  contained  a  passage 
not  to  be  found  in  the  published  narrative. 

The  account  of  Cartier's  second  voyage,  "  Bref  Recit,"  was 
first  published  in  1545,  in  Paris.  But  one  copy  of  it  is  now 
known  to  be  in  existence,  and  that  is  in  the  British  Museum. 
It  was  republished  in  155(5,  in  the  tliird  volume  of  Ramusio, 
in  an  Italian  version ;  and  from  that  it  was  translated  into 
English  by  .John  Florio  and  published  in  London,  in  1580. 
Hakluyt  rei)ublished  it  in  English  as  above,  adopting  Florio's 
translation.  The  late  distinguished  scholar,  M.  D'Avezac,  edited 
.a  new  edition  of  it,  printed  in  facsimile  from  the  copy  in  the 
Brit!  h  Museum,  and  published  by  Tross  in  18G3,  with  full 
preface  and  notes  by  the  learned  editor.  In  this  is  given 
the  result  of  a  collation  of  the  text  with  that  of  three  early 
manuscrijjts  in  the  National  Library  in  Paris. 

The  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  was  first  published  in  an 
Italian  translation  by  Ramusio,  in  his  third  volume,  in  1556, 
along  with  the  relation  of  the  second  voy.age.  This,  with  the 
account  of  the  second  voyage,  was  rendered  into  English  by 
Florio,  and  published  in  1580.  It  was  also  reprinted  by  Ilak- 
luyt, in  1600.  In  1598,  a  French  version  from  the  Italian  was 
printed  in  Rouen;  and  a  new  edition  of  it  in  facsimile  Avas 
printed  in  Paris  by  Tross  in  1865,  edited  by  Alfred  Ilame, 
with  illustrations.    There  has  more  recently  been  discovered  in 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


181 


Paris  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  genui'ie  long-lost  narrative,  in 
French,  of  Cartio's  first  voyage;  and  in  1807  it  was  published 
by  Tross,  entitled  "  llelatiou  originate  du  Voyage  de  Jacques 
Cartier  en  1534." 

An  aceount  of  Cartier's  third  voyage  was  published  in  an 
English  version  by  Ilakluyt  in  fragments,  which  he  probably 
picked  up  during  his  residence  in  Paris,  1583-88. 


Page  8. 

"  As  Verarsanus  roittviaseth  in  the  laste  wordes  of  his  re- 
latio7i" 

The  passage  here  referred  to  is  the  concluding  part  of 
the  famous  letter  of  Verrazzano  to  king  Francis  I.  of  France, 
dated  at  Dieppe,  8th  July,  1524,  on  his  return  from  his  voyage 
to  the  New  World.  It  was  first  published  by  Ilamusio  in  his 
third  volume,  in  1550;  and  an  English  translation  was  published 
by  Ilakluyt  in  his  "Divers  Voyages,"  158'2.  The  passage  from 
the  original  edition,  8ig.  134,  is  as  follows:  — 

"  Touching  the  religion  of  this  people,  which  wee  have  founde 
for  want  of  their  language  we  could  not  vnderstand  neither 
by  signes  nor  gesture  that  they  had  any  religion  or  lawe  at  all, 
or  that  they  did  acknowledge  any  first  cause  or  mouer,  neither 
that  they  worship  the  heauen  or  starres  the  Sunne  or  Moone 
or  other  Planets,  and  much  lesse  whether  they  bee  idolaters, 
neither  coulde  wee  learne  whether  that  they  vsed  any  kinde  of 
Sacrifices  or  other  adorations,  neither  in  their  villages  haue  they 
any  Temples  or  houses  of  prayer.  We  suppose  that  they  haue 
no  religion  at  all,  and  y'  they  line  at  their  owne  libertie.  And 
y'  all  this  proceedeth  of  ignorance,  for  that  they  are  very  easie 
to  bee  [)ersuaded :  and  all  that  they  see  vs  Christians  doe  iu 
our  diuine  seruice  they  did  the  same  with  the  like  imitation  as 
they  sawe  vs  to  doe  it." 

It  is  quite  unnecessary  to  enter  here  upon  any  notice  of  the 
career  of  Verrazzano  or  of  his  voyage  to  North  America,  so  fully 
trerted  in  the  notes  of  Dr.  Kohl,  in  Vol.1,  of  our  "Documentary 
Hi  tory."  The  letter  to  Francis  I.,  of  which  the  above  is  an 
•"Atract,  has  recently  been  called  in  question  as  to  its  genuine- 
ness; and  able  discussions  on  both  sides  of  the  question  have 


'  1 

I 


r,"  .. 


182 


APPENDIX. 


Ix'i'ii  published  by  Mr.  J.  C.  Brevoort,  in  his  "Verr.azfino  the 
Navigator,"  New  York,  1874,  and  by  the  Hon.  Ilcnry  C.  Mnrpliy, 
in  his  "  Voyage  of  Verrazzano,"  New  York,  1875.  Mr.  Murphy 
follows  his  friend,  the  late  Buckini^ham  Smith,  in  arguing 
against  the  genuineness  of  the  documents  which  have  hitlierto 
been  received  as  evidence  of  a  voyage  of  Verrazzano  to  these 
shores.  He  has  been  reviewed  by  Mr.  R.  H.  IMajor,  in  the 
London  Geographical  Magazine,  for  July,  1876,  and  by  the 
Rev.  B.  F.  De  Costa  in  a  "Plea  for  Stay  of  Judgment,"  each  of 
whom  dissent  from  his  conclusions.  See  also  the  vVm.  Quar- 
terly Clr  rch  Rev.  for  July,  1876.  Farther  on  will  be  found  a 
note  to  pp.  113  and  114  of  the  Discourse,  on  a  map  and  globe 
supjiosed  by  Hakluyt  to  have  been  made  by  Verrazzano,  and 
the  former  given  by  this  navigator  to  Henry  the  Eighth. 


Page  8. 

"  iVbwe  the  JUnges  and  Queenes  of  England  have  the  name 
of  Defendours  of  the  FaitheP 

Probably  no  one  knew  better  than  Hakluyt  that  this  title 
was  granted  by  Pope  Leo  X.  to  King  Henry  VHI.  for 
liis  book,  "Assertio  Septem  Sacrainentorum  adversus  Martin 
Lutln  ru,"  «&c.  This  book  was  printed  by  Pynson  in  London, 
in  1521,  and  by  order  of  the  Pope  was  printed  at  Rome  in  the 
same  year.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  1)y  Bishop 
Fisher,  for  the  King.  The  Pope's  bull,  conferring  the  title, 
"  Given  at  St.  Peter's  in  Rome,  the  fifth  of  the  Ides  of  October, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord's  Incarnation,  1521,"  after  comment- 
ing on  the  "  notorious  errors  of  Luther,"  and  the  great  merit  of 
the  King  in  writing  this  book  in  defence  of  "the  Orthodox 
Faith,  and  Evangelical  Truth,  now  under  so  great  peril  and 
danger,"  proceeds  to  say,  —  "We,  the  true  successor  of  St. 
Peter,  Avhom  Christ  before  his  ascension  left  as  his  Vicar  u))on 
earth,  and  to  whom  he  committed  the  care  of  his  flock ;  presid- 
ing in  this  Holy  See,  from  whence  all  Dignity  and  Titles  liave 
their  source :  having  with  our  brethren  maturely  deliberated 
on  these  things,  and  with  one  consent  unanimously  decreed  to 
bestow  on  your  Majesty  this  Title,  viz.^  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
and  as  we  have  by  this  title  honored  you,  we  likewise  com- 


r 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


183 


nianil  all  Ciiristians  that  they  name  your  INIajcsty  by  this  titlo, 
and  in  their  writings  to  your  ^Majesty  that  immediately  after 
the  word  King,  tlioy  add  Dkkkxdkk  ok  tiik  Faith."  (Asser- 
tion of  the  Seven  Sacraments  against  Martin  Luther,  ])ul)lished 
by  authority,  London,  lOSS;  Dibdin's  Typog.  Anti(i.  IL  484, 
485;  Strype's  Ecelesiastical  Mem.  Vol.  L  pt.  1,  pp.  51-54, 
Oxford,  18'iL) 

Ilakluyt  was  agood  Protestant;  and,  if  ho  had  ever  read  this 
bull  by  which  the  title  of  which  he  sjieaks  was  conferred,  he 
could  not  have  filled  to  see  in  it  the  same  ridiculous  assertion  of 
power  and  prerogative  as  is  shown  in  the  instrument  issued  by 
Po]»e  Alexaiuler  VL,  in  141):},  by  which  he  j)retendcd  to  divide 
the  world  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese,  —  which 
forms  the  subject  of  ILikluyt's  eloquent  denunciation  in  the 
19th  chapter  of  this  Discourse. 


■#■■ 


Page  9. 

"  Sjxinishe  ffryers.^'' 

After  Do  Soto  had  failed  in  his  attempt  to  conquer  Florida, 
and  some  other  worthy  gentlemen,  among  whom  was  Julian 
Samano  and  Peter  Ahumada,  had  faileil  to  gain  the  consent 
of  the  Emperor  and  his  son  King  Philip  IL  to  renew  that  enter- 
prise, in  1544,  the  idea  was  conceived  that  the  matter  might 
otherwise  be  brought  to  pass ;  viz.,  by  words,  instead  of 
weapons.  And,  in  this  view,  the  Emperor,  Philij)  IL,  and  his 
council,  "sent  thyther  fryer  Luys  Cancell  of  IJaluastro,  with 
other  fryers  of  the  order  of  Saynt  Dominike  who  olfered 
them  selves  to  conuerte  the  nations  of  that  lande  from  theyr 
gentilitie  to  the  fayth  of  Christ,  and  obedience  to  Themperoure, 
onely  with  woordes.  The  fryer  therefore  goinge  forwarde  on 
his  vyage  at  the  kynges  charges  in  the  year  1549,  went  aland 
with  foure  other  fryers  which  he  tooke  with  him,  and  certayne 
inaryners,  without  harnesse  or  Aveapons:  unto  whom,  as  ho 
began  his  preachynge,  many  of  the  Indians  of  the  sayd  Florida 
resorted  to  the  sea  syde,  where  without  gyuynge  audien"e  to  his 
woordes,  they  caryed  him  away  with  three  other  of  his  Com- 
jianyons,  and  dyd  oate  them,  whereby  they  suifred  martyr- 
dome  for  the  fayth  of  Christ.    The  resydue  that  cscai)ed,  made 


' 


184 


APPENDIX. 


hast  to  the  shyppe,  and  kept  them  selves  for  Confcssonrs,  as 
sum  say.  INIany  tliat  fauouro  thiutente  of  the  fryers,  doe  nowe 
consyder,  that  by  that  means  the  Indians  could  not  be  browyht 
to  oure  fryendeshippe  and  religion.  Neverthelesse,  that  if  it 
could  so  haue  byn  browght  to  passe,  it  had  been  better.  There 
came  of  late  from  that  8hi|)])C,  one  that  had  byn  the  page  of 
Ferdiiiando  de  Sodo,  who  declared  tliat  the  Indians  hanged  vp 
the  skynues  with  the  heades  and  crownes  of  the  said  fryers  iu 
one  of  theyr  Temples."  (Richard  Eden's  version  (fol.  3111)  of 
Gomara's  La  Ilistoria  General,  &c.  (Caj».  XLV) ;  Comj)are 
Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France,  &c.,  p.  13,  and  his  citations.) 

w. 

Page  11. 

"  The  mi/nisters  which  were  sente  from  Ge7ieva  with  Ville- 
gagno7iP 

The  "  mynisters  from  Geneva  "  here  referred  to  were  Petkr 
RiciiKn  and  William  Ciiautikk.  They  were  not  sent  with 
Villegagnon,  but  to  him,  after  he  had  already  established  his 
colony  in  Brazil.  When  he  left  France  on  this  expedition 
(July  12,  1555),  he  had  with  him  a  Franciscan  monk,  the 
celebrated  traveller  and  cosmographer,  Andr6  Thevet ;  but  he 
could  not  avail  himself  of  his  ministrations,  in  consistency  with 
the  part  he  was  then  acting  of  a  disciple  of  Calvin,  a  follower  of 
Coligny,  and  a  founder  under  his  auspices  of  an  asylum  for  the 
Huguenots  in  the  New  World.  Finding  himself  thus  re<luced 
to  the  necessity  of  performing  in  his  own  person  the  duties  of  a 
minister'  as  well  as  of  a  magistrate,  Avhieli,  as  he  says,  in  view 
of  the  example  of  Uzziah,  caused  thi }  proud  Knight  of  JMalta 
great  anguish  of  spirit,  he  despatched  to  Calvin,  by  the  return 
of  the  slii|)s,  an  earnest  request  to  send  to  tlie  colony  some 
such  ministers  as  he  could  recommend  for  the  work  in  hand. 

Tiie  ships  left  Fort  Colignv  on  the  31st  January,  1550,  and 
had  already  reachetl  France  before  the  Ist  September,  an  interval 
sufficient,  jiorhaps,  to  allow  of  their  having  made  tint  great 
detour  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  Norumbega,  and  Baecalaos, 
described  by  Thevet,  himself  a  passenger,  but  seriously  drawn  in 
question  by  modern  critics.     It  was  in  answer  to  this  request 


r  1 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


18o 


that  the  two  ministers  above-nnincd  were  sent  to  Villcgagnon, 
and  at  the  same  time  several  other  nieinbers  of  tiie  Church  at 
Geneva,  who,  though  not  ordained,  were  eminent  men  and 
thought  quahfied  to  aid  the  ministers  in  tlieir  evangelical 
labors. 

Among  the  duties  assigned  them,  that  of  laboring  to  convert 
the  aavayea  is  distinctly  mentioned  ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
they  made  even  a  beginning  in  the  performance  of  this  duty, 
certainly  none  that  they  ever  i)rosecuted  it  to  a  successful 
issue,  or,  in  the  words  of  Ilakluyt,  "that  any  one  infidell  was 
by  them  converted."  It  is,  indeed,  aitirnied  by  Thevet  that  he 
himself  abandoned  this  work,  because  the  ministers  of  Calvin 
assumed  it  {entreprenant  cette  charge) ;  but  this  testimony  is 
rendered  suspicious  by  the  fact  that  he  had  left  the  colony 
more  than  a  year  before  they  arrived. 

It  does  not  a[)pear,  however,  to  have  been  from  any  fault  of 
theirs  that  this  part  of  their  work  Avas  left  undone.  The 
colony  having  been  planted  and  the  fort  erected  on  an  island 
in  the  harbor  of  liio  Janeiro,  they  were  cut  off  from  all  access 
to  the  savages,  \uiless  tliey  could  obtain  permission  to  leave  the 
island  from  Villegagnon  himself;  a  regulation  so  rigidly  en- 
forced by  him,  that  on  one  occasion,  when  De  Lery  and  another 
of  the  Genevan  company  had  gone  to  the  mainland  without 
permission  from  himself,  though  they  had  permission  from  his 
lieutenant,  he  threatened  to  put  them  in  irons. 

But  this  was  not  the  greatest  obstacle  they  had  to  encounter 
in  discharging  their  mission  to  the  native  savages  of  Brazil. 
In  violation  of  the  ])ledges  he  had  given  to  Coligny,  that  the 
Reformed  Religion  should  be  protected  and  promoted  in  his 
colony,  \  lilegagiion,  almost  immediately  after  the  arrival  of 
the  Geneva  ministers,  began  to  assume  a  hostile  attitude  towards 
them.  Under  the  lead  of  one  Cointa,  a  pupil  of  the  Sorbonne, 
who  had  come  over  with  some  episcopal  jiretensions,  he  re- 
strained these  ministers  from  preaching  the  doctrines  and 
performing  the  ceremonies  of  the  Reformed  Religion  as  they 
had  learned  it  at  Geneva.  In  the  necessity  which  thus  arose 
of  defending  and  maintaining  their  fundamental  principles 
against  the  assaults  of  Villegagnon  and  his  confederate,  Coint.a, 
they  had  no  tiiue  or  strength   left  for  converting  the  native 

24 


i:ii 
|''il 

i**^ 


r 


I   I 


186 


APPENDIX. 


tribes.  So  violont  wcro  these  theological  and  ecclesiastical 
disputes  whicli  had  hocii  revived  so  unexpectedly  in  this  prom- 
ised asylum  of  the  Rflormalion,  that  one  of  the  ministers, 
Chartier,  was  sent  honui  to  suhniit  tlu'ni  to  tlie  arhitration  ot 
the  Reformed  Churches,  and  especially  of  Calvin.  Not  long 
after  this,  the  other  minister,  Richer,  and  all  his  Genevan  asso- 
ciates, wcro  expelled  from  the  fort  aiid  the  island,  and  obliged 
to  take  pass.age  for  Frances  in  a  ship  heavily  laden  with  llrazil 
wood,  and  badly  supplied  with  provisions,  at  the  risk  of  starva- 
tion and  shipwreck,  in  order  to  escape  the  worse  perils  to 
which  they  wore  '-xposod  on  the  mainland  from  the  Portuguese 
and  the  savages.  Five  of  the  lay  nuMubers  of  the  (lenevan 
Company,  who  had  embarked  in  this  ship,  returncil,  as  a  choice 
of  evils,  to  the  fort;  and  three  of  their  number  were,  by  the 
express  order  of  ^'illegaguon,  hurled  headlong  from  a  precipice 
into  the  ocean. 

Villegagnoii,  having  thus  torn  off  the  mask  of  Protestantism, 
which  he  had  assumed  for  the  accomplislunent  of  his  ambitious 
projects,  and  having  become  reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Rome, 
if  he  had  ever  been  separated  from  it,  soon  abandoned  the 
miserable  remnant  of  the  company  of  Huguenots  who  had  fol- 
lowed him  as  their  leader  to  this  promised  asylum  in  the  New 
World,  and  returned  to  France. 

Before  the  end  of  the  year  1558,  or  within  three  years  from 
the  inception  of  the  enterprise,  those  that  stayed  behind  were 
driven  by  the  Portuguese  from  the  fort,  and  so  far  as  is  known 
lost  among  the  Pagans  they  came  to  convert ;  "  in  this,"  says 
Cotton  Mather,  "  more  unhappy  sure  than  that  hundred  thou- 
sand of  their  brethren  who  were  soon  after  butchered  at  home 
in  that  horrible  Massacre  "  of  St.  Bartholomew.  "  So,"  he  adds, 
"has  there  been  utterly  lost,  in  a  little  time,  a  country  in- 
tended for  a  receptacle  of  Protestant  Churches  on  the  Amer- 
ican Strand."     (Magnalia,  IJook  I.  Introduction,  p.  1.) 

The  principal  authority  for  this  expedition  is  De  Lery,  who 
was  one  of  the  Genevan  assistants,  but  not  one  of  the  ministers, 
as  sometimes  represented.  His  work,  Histoire  cVun  Voyage  fait 
au  Bresil,  was  first  published  in  1578,  and  may  have  lieen  seen 
by  Ilakluyt.  A  Latin  version  is  found  in  the  Second  Part  of 
Do   Bry.      The  ecclesiastical  historians,  Theodore   Beza,  Do 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOUTISE. 


187 


Tliou,  Maiinl)ouri:f,  havo  also  given  aocomits  of  this  oarliost 
colony  of  I'rotustantisni  in  Ainorica.  Tliis  subject  has  also  l)e«'n 
taken  np  hy  Hiiylc  in  his  Dictlonnairc,  Art.  Villef/af/non  and 
Jiic/iei' ;  by  Cotton  Mather,  Majjjiialia,  Hook  I.  j).  t,  Iiilrodue- 
tion  ;  l»y  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  l-'ranee,  &c.,  \>\>.  ll)-'J7  ;  Marshall, 
Christian  IMissions,  Vol.  II.  j».  1<1"J ;  Walsh,  Notices  of  IJrazil, 
Vol.  I.  p.  1.^)3;  Kidder  and  Fletcher;  Soiithey,  History  (f 
Brazil ;  Thevet,  Cosmographie,  Singularitcz,  tfcc.  w. 


Page  11. 
"  And  those  [^nif/nlstcrs']  that  loente  with  John  Itihault  into 

There  is  no  evidence  "that  ministers  went  with  Pihault 
into  Florida,"  either  in  Ribault's  own  account  of  his  first  ex- 
pedition, in  15(3'2,  or  in  Laudoiinit-re's  account  of  that  and  the 
subsequent  expeditions,  in  1504-65.  In  the  first  of  these 
accounts  (the  (jnly  one  to  which  Ilakluyt  had  access  when  ho 
wrote  this  Discourse),  it  is  represented  th.-xt  Coligny  Iwul  been 
stirred  u]>  to  promote  this  ex])edition,  not  only  by  his  ])atriotic 
piu'poses,  but  by  the  hope  he  had  "that  a  number  of  brutish 
people,  and  ignorant  of  Jesus  Christ,  might  by  his  grace  come 
to  some  knowledge  of  his  holy  laws  and  onlinances."  And 
hence  it  may  have  been  carelessly  taken  for  granted  by  Ilak- 
luyt that  ministers  went  with  Ilibault.  But  if  the  plans  of 
Coligny  embraced  the  founding  of  a  Protestant  .asylum  and 
the  conversion  of  the  heathen,  as  ultimate  objects  of  his  colony 
in  Florida,  it  did  not  suit  his  policy  to  enter  upon  tlie  imme- 
di.ate  execution  of  these  ]ilaiis  in  the  very  inception  of  his 
enterprise.  And  he  could  hardly  have  sent  out  Genevan  min- 
isters to  the  exclusion  of  C.atholic  priests,  without  stam])ing  the 
enterprise  with  a  tyi»e  of  religious  character  whi<!h  would  have 
alienated  from  it  Chailes  IX.  and  his  court,  upon  whose  favor 
it  depended.  And  ho  would  hardly  venture  ujion  sending  out 
ministers  and  jiriests  together,  so  long  as  he  could  reuRMuber 
the  troubles  which  had  arisen  from  this  course  only  four  or  five 
years  before.  It  appears,  liowever,  that  there  were  some  in  the 
colony  so  earnest  in  the  doctrine  of  Geneva,  that  they  were 


188 


AITENDIX. 


(ViHsatisfii'd  with  tliis  tcmpomiiii*  policy  of  tliuir  groat  patron, 
and  complaiiu'il  loudly  and  bitterly  that  no  niiniMtorH  liad 
been  sent  with  them.  Wi 

Page  11. 
^'■As  also  those  of  our  nation  thut  ictnt  tclth  Frobishcr.^^ 

No  ministers  are  mentioned  as  goinjj;  with  Frohisher  in  his 
first  and  second  voyaj:;es,  which  were  mere  explorations.  It  is 
recorded,  however,  by  Dionyse  Settle,  one  of  the  historians  of 
the  second  expedition  of  Frobisher  (1577),  that  on  their  arrival 
at  3Ieta  Inco(//iit<t  the  General  and  his  company,  fallinL?  upon 
their  knees,  offered  np  this  as  one  of  their  chief  supplications, 
"that  by  our  Christian  studie  ami  endeavour  those  l»arl>arous 
jteople,  trained  up  in  Paganisme  and  infidelitie,  might  be  reduced 
to  the  knowledge  of  true  religion,  and  to  the  hojje  of  salvation 
in  Christ  our  Itedeemer."  (Ilak.  III.  34.)  It  w.as  probably  in 
))ursuance  of  this  feeling  that  among  the  orders  for  th((  third 
expedition  (ir)7>«),  which  was  intended  to  eilect  a  settlement, 
one  is  found  (added  in  the  liandwriting  of  Lord  Dnrghley),  to 
the  ettect  that  a  minister  or  two  should  go  this  journey  to  ad- 
minister divine  service  according  to  the  Church  of  England. 
(Sainsbury's  Calendar  of  the  East  Indies,  p.  B(i.)  And  hence  a 
certain  "Maister  Wolfall,  a  learned  man,  was  appointed  by  her 
Majestie's  Councell  to  be  their  Minister  and  Preacher."  "  This 
Maister  Wolfall,  being  well  seated  and  settled  at  home  in  his 
owne  countrey,  with  a  good  and  large  living,  having  a  good 
honest  woman  to  wife,  and  very  towardly  children,  being  of 
good  rej)utation  among  the  best,  refused  not  to  take  in  hand 
this  painful  voyage,  for  the  onely  care  he  had  to  save  soules,  and 
to  reforme  those  Infldells,  if  it  were  possible,  to  Christianitie." 
(Ilakluyt,  III.  8  {.)  No  settlement  was  eflected  in  this  expedi- 
tion, and  no  opjjortunity  for  the  worthy  minister  to  enter  upon 
liis  labors  for  the  conversion  of  the  Es(piimaux.  Even  the 
natives,  who  Avere  taken  captive  and  carried  to  England,  in  the 
first  and  second  voyages,  are  not  known  to  have  been  "  reformed 
to  Christianitie."  A  report  on  the  death  of  the  man  brought 
over  in  the  second  voyage,  "the  woman  being  yet  alive," 
is  found  in  Cal.  Domestic  Ellz.,  Vol.  CXVIII.  No.  40.     Large 


NOTKS    TO    IIAKIA'YTS    DISCOURSE. 


189 


nnd  small  iiic'tiiri.'R  wore  iiiadf  of  (licin  for  the  Queen  and 
the  e()mi)any,  at  priees  varying  from  €■!  to  £21.  (MSS.  of  Sir 
Thomas  Philiiiips,  No.  HT'Jl.)  An  amnsing  account  is  given 
of  tlie  ert'ect  prcxhiceil  on  one  of  the  captives  by  seeing  the 
portrait  of  anotlier.     (See  Hak.  III.  (57.)  w. 


#1 


Paoe  11. 
"With  ,Si'r  Fmnois  Brake." 

It  wouM  seem  froui  (he  (estimony  of  Tiiomas  Fuller,  wlio 
was  on  (ernis  of  iiUiuiacy  with  several  of  Drake's  kinsmen,  tliat 
u  minister,  whose  name  is  not  given,  went  with  Drake  in  his 
first  adventure  (in  laOT-GS),  in  his  little  bark  "Judith,"  when 
he  lost  every  tiling  at  St.  Juan  ile  Ulloa.  It  is  stated  by 
him  (Holy  State,  eil.  1G42,  p.  i:i3)  (liat,  after  this  loss,  "Drake 
Avas  persuaded  by  the  Minister  of  his  sliip  that  he  might  law- 
fully recover  in  value  of  the  King  of  Spain,  ami  rejiair  his 
losses  upon  him."  And  it  is  farther  represented  by  Fuller,  (hat 
it  was  in  pursu'^nce  of  this  piece  of  "sea  iJivinity"  taught  him 
by  his  minister,  that  Drake  undertook  to  •eveiige  himself  upon 
that  Mighty  ^lonareh,  —  an  midcrtaking  in  which  he  persevered 
unscru|)uIously,  until  after  his  capture  of  the  Cacafuego  in  the 
South  Sea,  in  1578,  when  he  declared  himself  "sutHciently 
satisfied  and  revenged."  (World  Encompassed,  Ilakluyt  Soc. 
ed.,  p.  1>4-J.) 

It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  minister  here  referred  to 
M'as  one  who  went  with  Drake  in  his  voyage  round  the  world 
in  1577-80.  His  name  was  Francis  Fletcher ;  and  his  Notes 
(republished  by  the  Ilakluyt  Society,  in  1854)  are  one  of  the 
principal  sources  of  information  regarding  that  voyage.  This 
minister  is  represented  by  Mendoza,  the  Spanish  Ambassador, 
(quoted  by  Froude,  Vol.  XI.  p.  373),  as  having  been  sent  at 
the  instance  of  a  councillor  of  the  Queen,  a  great  rascal  and  a 
terrible  Puritan  (r/randisimo  helhico  y  Pitrltnno  terrible)  be- 
cause he  could  speak  the  Spanish  language,  and  who,  being  thus 
able  to  disseminate  the  Puritan  heresy  (jjestilencia)  in  the 
Spanish  colonies,  was  hence  regarded  as  a  most  dangerous 
person. 

Of  this  same  Mr.  Fletcher  it  is  reported  that,  having  on  one 


190 


APPENDIX. 


0CC.1'  on  been  wanting  in  his  duty,  ho  was  brought  to  tlie  fore- 
castle, where  Drake,  representing  on  his  own  deck  the  person 
of  his  Sovereign,  as  liead  of  Ciinrch  as  well  as  State,  pronounced 
him  exconiinunicated,  cut  off  from  the  Churcli  of  Goil,  and 
giv'jn  ove;'  to  the  Dcvii,  ami  loft  him  chaiin'(l  by  the  ankle  to  a 
rng-bolt.  Tills  punishnieut,  ho.vever,  having  been  inflicted 
h.ilf  in  jest,  was  not  of  lo»;g  duration,  and  after  a  day  or  two 
the  ofll'ndiiig  chaplain  was  absolved,  and  returned  to  his  duty. 
(Fronde,  Vol.  XI.  p.  3*J(3;  World  Encompai^ded,  as  above, 
p.  176).  w. 


Page  13. 

"  Our  trade  in  Barbcmer 

The  dangers  of  the  English  trade  in  Barbary  had  arisei  Trom 
its  very  beginning,  in  1551,  not  so  much  from  the  IMohamuiedan 
powers  on  the  southern  coast  of  the  Meiliterranean,  as  from  the 
Christian  powers  on  the  northern  coast.  The  English  trade  had 
from  the  first  been  regarded  by  the  several  Stat' j  of  Barbary 
with  peculiar  fiivor,  and  had  been  })laced  on  a  footing  more 
fi,dvantageous  than  that  of  any  other  Christian  state.  1'he  neigh- 
bo"ing  Christian  powers,  on  the  contrary,  though  contending 
with  each  other  for  the  exclusi\  e  possession  of  the  trade  of  the 
Levant,  were  luiited  in  oj»|)osing  the  intrusion  of  the  Engiis!., 
regarding  them  both  as  outsiders  and  as  heretics.  "  The  Port- 
ugals,"  says  James  Thomas  (wlio  went  in  the  second  iMiglish 
voyage  to  Barbary,  in  1552),  "were  much  oftended  witl;  this 
our  new  trade  into  Barbaric,  and  both  in  our  voia_;e  tlie  yeere 
before,  and  also  in  this,  they  gave  out  in  Eiighnd  by  their  mer- 
chants, that  if  they  took  us  in  those  partes,  they  would  use  us 
as  their  mortall  enemies,  with  great  threates  and  menaces." 
(TTak.  II.  Pt.  %  p.  9.) 

On  the  attemjit  of  the  English  to  confirm  this  trade  by 
establishing  an  embassy  in  Morocco,  in  1577,  they  eacounti  rod, 
in  like  manner,  the  opposition  of  the  Christian  powers.  The 
English  Ambassador,  Edmund  llogan,  reports  to  Quean  Eliza- 
beth, that,  on  his  landing  in  Morocco,  although  he  was  reci  ived 
with  diplomatic  civili'y  by  the  representatives  oi'  the  Ciiristian 


--  \  .. ^i-x.^; 


NOTES    TO    IIAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


191 


)ught  to  the  fore- 
deck  the  person 
itato,  i)ronouuceil 
roll  of  God,  and 
l>y  the  ankle  to  a 
ig  been  inHicted 
fter  a  day  or  two 
rned  to  his  duty, 
abded,  as  above, 
w. 


'  had  ariser  ^Vora 
he  Mohammedan 
iiean,  as  from  the 
KngUsh  trade  had 
tat'  J  of  Barbary 
I  a  footing  more 
tate.  The  neigh- 
lugh  contoiurmg 
the  trade  of  tlie 
of  the  Fngi !;<!., 
cs.  "The  Port- 
)  second  I*lnglish 
ended  with  tliis 
i'oia_e  the  -^'eere 
lid  by  their  nier- 
ey  would  use  us 
and  menaces." 

1  this  trade  by 
ley  <\K'ouiiti  I'cd, 
n  powers.  The 
to  t^uecn  Eliza- 
he  was  recf  ived 
oi"  the  Ciiristian 


powers  tliere  resident,  lie  knew  this  was  more  by  the  king's 
command  than  from  any  good-will  of  their  own ;  "  for,"  he 
says,  "some  of  them,  although  Miey  speake  me  fair,  hung  downe 
their  heads  like  dogs,  and  especially  the  Portugales;"  and  that, 
on  his  ])resentation  at  the  court,  he  was  given  to  understand 
by  the  emperor  that  the  King  of  Spain  "had  made  gieat 
meanes  [menace?]  that  if  the  (Jueenes  Majesty  of  England 
sent  any  [Ambassador]  unto  him,  that  he  would  not  give 
him  any  credit  or  entertainment."     (Ilak.  II.  Pt.  2,  p.  65.) 

It  appears  that  within  a  few  years  after  this  date  all  the 
Chri.-itian  powers  on  the  north  coast  of  the  Levant  had  formed 
a  league  among  themselves  not  to  sutfer  the  English  ships  to 
come  into  those  parts.  And  acconlingly  the  English  shijjs 
tr.ading  thither  werf^  directed  by  their  owners  to  keep  clea", 
as  far  as  post'^'e,  of  the  Christian  coast. 

It  would  sometinu..  hap])en,  however,  that  an  English  ship 
in  the  Barbary  trade  would  be  driven  on  the  Ciiristian  coast, 
and,  even  while  England  w'as  still  nominally  at  jieace  with  the 
Christian  powers  on  the  Levant,  would  then  be  liable  to  the 
treatment  here  described. 

We  do  not  find,  either  in  the  author's  own  Collections  or 
elsewhere,  any  instance  of  an  Engli-h  ship  answering  cxactJy 
to  the  case  which  he  has  liere  described;  although  he  speaks 
of  the  case  as  being  one  which  had  actually  occurred,  "was 
comitted  to  printe,  and  confessed  by  all  our  mardiants."  lie 
may,  ii('rhaj)s,  have  had  in  mind  the  very  similar  instance  of  the 
bark  "Reynolds,"  to  which  he  refers  again  in  the  two  following 
jiage.i,  and  which  he  has  given  at  length  in  his  edition  of  1589 
(p.  185).  Although  this  bark  was  not  driven  literally  upon 
the  coast  of  Spain,  but  was  seized  somewhere  on  the  west 
jiart  cf  Malt;,,  the  case  is  very  similar,  and  well  illustrates  the 
peculiar  dangers  to  which  English  shijis  in  the  Barbary  trade 
were  exposed  at  that  time.  w. 

Page  13. 

"yl<  the  deathe  of  the  prince  in  JBarbarie.'" 

It  devolved  on  his  Janizaries  to  elect  his  successor.  As  the 
Janizaries  were  a  heterogeneous  body  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand 


192 


APPENDIX. 


mercenary  sokliers,  recruited  always  in  countries  foreign  to 
that  in  wiiicli  they  were  stationed,  and  as  it  was  iHoessnry  that 
their  clioioe  should  bo  unanimous,  it  often  happened  that  con- 
siderable time  elapsed  before  a  valid  electiou  could  be  made. 
Dnrijig  this  interval,  the  Government  was  effectually  suspended, 
and  the  country  given  over  to  "  the  spoil,"  in  which  the  English 
traders  fared  no  better  than  others.  w. 


I  : 


» 

«■    ', 

1     ' 

t                 V: 

PArE    19. 

"  The  contries  .  .  .  Jfrste  discovered  by  Sehdfifian  Gahote, 
at  the  coste  of  that  pnidente prince  Kinpe  Ilenr;/  the  Seaventh^ 
from  Florida  northeioarde  to  67  degrees^'  tC'c. 

At  the  time  Ilakluyt  is  here  writing  (1584),  there  were 
probably  no  settlements  in  North  America  north  of  St.  Helena, 
situated  near  the  old  Port  Royal  of  Ribaidt.  St.  Augustine  was 
founded  by  Menendez  in  156f^  i'ho  previous  ex])lorntions  of 
the  coast,  since  its  discovery  by  Ponce  de  Leon  in  151;},  reach- 
ing to  a  much  higher  latitude  tha.i  either,  resulted  in  no 
permanent  occupation.  Although  the  Spaniards  at  this  time 
gave  the  name  "  Florida"  to  the  whole  coast  indefinitely  north- 
ward and  westward  of  the  territory  now  bearing  that  name, 
Ilakluyt,  it  will  be  seen,  uses  the  term  in  a  more  restricted 
sense.  In  the  passage  quoted  above,  he  says  that  Cabot  dis- 
covered the  coast  "  from  Florida  northewarde  to  67  degrees." 
In  the  "Epistle  Dedicatorie"  to  the  second  volume  of  his 
"Principal  Navigations,"  1599,  he  says  that  it  is  universally 
acknowledged,  even  by  foreign  writers,  "that  all  that  mighty 
tract  of  land  from  67  degrees  northward  to  the  latitude  almost 
of  Florida  was  first  discovered  out  of  England,  by  the  com- 
maundant  of  King  Henry  YII. ;  and  the  south  part  thereof, 
before  any  other  Christian  people,  of  late  hath  been  planted 
witli  div  rs  English  Colonies  by  the  royal  consent  of  her  Sacred 
IVIajesty,  under  the  broad  seai  of  England,"  &g.  He  here  refers 
to  the  Virginia  colonists  sent  out  by  Raleigh,  who  had  planted 
north  of  the  region  he  designates  as  Florida.  Again,  in  a 
marginal  note  of  his  third  volume  (p.  9),  he  says  that  Cabot 
discovered  "  the  northern  parts  of  that  land,  and  from  thence 
as  far  almost    as  Florida."     And,  as  to  the  degree  of  latitude 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


193 


foreign  to 
'cssary  that 
(1  that  con- 
l  be  made. 

suspended, 
the  English 
w. 


a7i    Gabote, 
i,e  Seaventh^ 

there  were 

St.  ITelena, 

gustine  was 

lorations  of 

513,  reach- 

ilted    in    no 

it  this  time 

itoly  nortli- 

that  name, 

resti'icted 

Cabot  dis- 

degrees." 

lie  of  liis 

universally 

at  mighty 

ude  almost 

the  coin- 

t  thereof, 

n  planted 

ler  Sacred 

lere  refers 

id  planted 

gain,  in   ii 

hat  Cabot 

om  thence 

of  latitude 


reached  by  Cabot  in  sailing  south,  Hakluyt,  in  his  folio  of  1589 
(p.  514),  and  al«o  in  the  third  volume  of  his  larger  work,  quotes 
Peter  Martyr,  as  saying  "  that  it  was  there  .almost  equal  in 
latitude  with  the  sea  Fretum  Ilerculeum";  that  is,  to  about 
latitude  30"  N. 

But  Hakluyt,  in  the  first  and  third  cha))ter  of  this  Discourse, 
is  callino:  attention  to  the  large  region  from  the  thirtieth  to  the 
sixty-third,  and  even  to  the  sixty-seventh,  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude, as  "  not  yet  in  any  Chrestian  princes  actuall  possession," 
and  is  urging  the  English  government  to  take  possession  and 
colonize. 

Raleigh's  Patent  (of  25th  March,  1584),  like  that  of  Gilbert's, 
designated  no  particular  spot  on  the  coast,  but  gave  a  privilege 
for  a  space  of  two  hundred  leagues  adjoining  the  place  or  jjlaces 
selected  for  settlement,  not  already  in  possession  of  the  subjects 
of  any  Christian  prince  in  amity  with  England.  Ilis  first  expedi- 
tion, commanded  by  Amadas  and  Barlow,  was  a  voyage  of  obser- 
vation and  discovery,  under  i.istructions,  the  particulars  of  which 
have  never  been  published.  Reaching  the  coast  somewhere 
near  the  southern  part  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  North  Caro- 
lina, they  ranged  northward  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles, 
in  search  of  a  convenient  harbor.  Entering  the  first  haven 
which  offi'red,  they  landel  on  the  Island  of  AVocokcn,  in 
about  latitude  35°  N. ;  and,  13th  July,  1584,  took  possession 
of  the  country  for  the  Queen  of  England.  Reaching  home, 
by  the  middle  of  September,  they  reported  in  glowing 
colors  the  discovery  of  a  region  called  by  the  Indians  "  Win- 
gand.acoa."  To  this  region  the  name  of  "Virginia"  was  now 
given,  and  here  Raleigh  made  his  sever.al  attempts  to  plant  a 
colony  of  the  Englisl:  race.  There  was  no  declaration  as  to 
how  much  territory  "Virginia"  embraced:  whether  it  was 
intended  to  include  all  that  which  by  the  terms  of  the  Patent 
could  be  claimed  by  its  pro])rietor.  The  first  map  on  which 
the  name  api)ears  is  that  published  in  Ilakluyt's  e<lition  of 
Peter  3Iartyr's  Decades,  1587,  inscribed  thus,  just  north  (  "  lati- 
tude of  40*^, —  "Virginia,  1584."  The  name  next  appears  on 
the  map  publishe<l  by  De  Bry,  1590,  to  accompany  the  reprit  t 
of  Ilariot's  "  briefe  anil  true  report,"  and  covering  the  region 
between  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Cape  Lookout,  or  between  latitu<le 

25 


194 


APPENDIX. 


f 


3-ii°  and  37°  N.  On  tlio  finely  executed  innp  of  the  world 
made  a  year  or  two  Inter,  l»y  Enieric  Mollineux,  for  irukliiyt, 
"Virginia"  has  a  conspicuous  place;  as  it  also  has  on  a  sec- 
tional map  of  Wytfliet,  1597. 

Although  Jiak'igli  failed  to  plant  a  permanent  colony  here, 
and  on  the  'th  March,  1588-89,  admitted  divers  others  to  the 
privileges  of  his  Patent,  in  hopes  of  gaining  assistance  in  prose- 
cuting the  enterprise,  the  name  which  the  virgin  Queen  gave  to 
the  spot  remaineil,  and  sujierseded  all  others;  and  in  English 
geograi)hical  nomenclature  soon  si)read  over  the  whole  coast 
indefinitely  northward  to  the  region  of  New  France.  English 
discovery  soon  became  continuous  along  these  coasts.  The 
voyages  of  Gosnold,  Prlng,  and  Weymouth,  made  in  the  years 
16U'J,  1G03,  and  1GU5,  to  the  shores  afterwards  called  New  Eng- 
land, were  described  as  made  to  Virginia,  or  to  the  north  part 
of  Virginia.  After  Raleigh's  attainder.  King  James  issued 
another  patent,  10  April,  lOOO,  to  sundry  persons,  including 
Richard  Ilakluyt,  one  of  Raleigh's  assigns  in  1589,  tor  the  colo- 
nization of  Virginia.  In  this  he  autliori/.ed  the  formation  of 
two  companies  to  settle  the  country,  under  that  name,  between 
latitude  W  and  45"  N. 

In  Chapter  XVIII.  of  this  Discourse,  Ilakluyt  examines  the 
title  of  England  to  this  territory,  and,  as  will  be  seen,  relies 
principally  on  the  discovery  by  the  Cabots,  or  rather  by  Sebas- 
tian Cal)ot.  As  we  have  said  in  a  note  further  on,  our  author 
neither  here,  nor  in  his  printed  works,  discusses  the  question 
as  to  the  comparative  agency  of  John  Cabot  and  his  son  Sebas- 
tian in  this  discovery;  and  nothing  could  be  further  from  the 
trutii  than  the  accusation  bronglit  against  him  by  Richard 
Biddle,  that  he  intentionally  mutilated  the  evidence  that  bore 
in  favor  of  Sebastian.  Ilakluyt  dealt  with  the  main  question 
which  lay  between  Si)!un  and  England,  as  to  the  priority  of  the 
discovery  of  the  continent,  overlooking  wholly  the  minor  and 
incidental  points  which  have  come  up  since  his  day.  And  he 
seems,  also,  not  to  have  betni  avv'are  that  some  of  the  narratives 
he  cites  in  proof  of  the  voyage  of  discovery  relate,  probably, 
to  a  second  voyage,  of  which  he  appears  to  take  no  notice. 
He  gathers  up  all  the  evidence  he  can  find  relating  to  the 
early  enterprise  of  the  Cubots,  much  of  it  ver}-  unsatisfactory 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYT  S    DISCOURSE. 


195 


tlio  world 
Ilakliiyt, 
on  a  suc- 

lony  here, 
lers  to  the 
i  in  prose- 
}n  gave  to 
in  English 
liole  coast 
,  English 
ists.  The 
the  years 
New  Eng- 
nortli  i)art 
les  issued 
including 
ir  the  colo- 
rniation  of 
3,  between 

imincs  the 

cen,  relies 

)y  Sebas- 

ur  author 

question 
on  Sebas- 
from  the 

Ricliard 
that  bore 

(juestion 
ity  of  the 
iiinor  and 
And  he 
larratives 
[uobably, 
o  notice, 
ng  to  the 
tisfaciory 


as  to  data  and  autlientieity,  and  jjuts  it  all  into  his  volumes, 
with  little  editorial  supervision. 

The  jirincipal  fact,  however,  that  the  Cabots  discovered 
North  America  before  Columbus  discovered  the  mainland  of 
South  America,  is  well  established.  The  ijuestion  as  to  how 
far  they  sailed  along  the  coast  to  tlie  south,  either  in  the  first 
or  second  voyage,  we  regard  as  more  doubtful. 

Tlie  celebrated  Dr.  John  Dae  was  particularly  distinguished, 
among  other  gifts,  for  his  geographical  attainments;  and  he  was 
often  consulted  by  the  ])rincipal  navigators  of  his  day.  In 
liis  Diary,  published  in  1842  by  the  Camden  Society,  we  learn 
that  he  was  visited  by  such  persons  as  Sir  Ilumplircy  Gilbert, 
Adrian  Gilbert,  Mr.  Hawkins,  John  Davis,  and  others;  and  of 
his  dining  with  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  Nov.  28,  1577,  he  says: 
"  I  spake  with  the  Quene  hora  quinta ;  I  spake  with  Mr.  Secre- 
tary Walsiiighain.  I  declared  to  the  Quene  her  title  to  Green- 
land, Estetihtnd,  and  Friseland."  When  Gilbert  and  his  friends 
were  prej)aring  for  his  last  and  fatal  expedition,  Peckhani,  the 
I>rincipal  adventurer,  is  also  found  consulting  Dr.  Dee.  1582, 
July  16th.  —  "A  meridie  hor.  8^  cam  Sir  George  Peckhani  to 
me  to  know  the  tytle  for  Norombega  in  respect  of  Spain 
and  Portugall  parting  the  whole  world's  destilleryes." 

Purchas  (IV.  1812,  1813)  has  a  lonir  dissertation  on  the  title 


to  thi-  part  of  the  New  World,  and  on  "the  English  right  by 
discovery,  Possession,"  priescription,"  «5:c. 

Page  20. 

"tTo/in  Hihanlt  toriteth  thus  in  the  Jirst  hap  of  his  discovrse^ 
extant  in  print  both  in  Frenche  and  Snglis/te." 

The  Discourse  of  Jean  Ribault  liere  referred  to  is  that  which 
first  ajipeared  in  English  in  If^GS,  under  this  title:  "The  whole 
and  true  discouerye  of  Terra  Florida  (englished  the  Flourishing 
lande)  Conteyning  aswel!  the  wonderl'ull  slraunge  natures  and 
maners  of  the  peojile,  with  the  merveylous  connnodities  and 
treasures  of  the  country.  .  .  .  Never  founde  out  before  the  last 
yere  1562.  Written  in  Frenche  by  Captaine  Ribauhl,  the  fyrst 
that  whollye  discoured  the  same.  And  nowc  newly  set  fortlie 
in   Englishe   the  xxx  of  May.  1563.     Prynted  at  London  by 


:Wk'¥ 


196 


APPENDIX. 


Rouland  Hall  for  Thomas  ITacket."  A  copy  of  this  rare  tract 
is  in  the  British  Museum.  Ilakluyt  reprintt'd  it  in  158'2,  in  his 
"  Divers  Voyages,"  under  this  heading :  "  The  true  and  last  dis- 
couerie  of  Florida  m.»dc  by  Captaine  Jolin  Ribault  in  the  yeere 
15G2.  Dedicated  to  a  great  noble  man  of  JFnmnce,  and  translated 
into  Englishe  by  one  Thomas  Ilackit."  Near  the  close  of  his 
"  Epistle  Dedicatorie  "  to  the  "  Divers  Voyages,"  Ilakluyt  says : 
"The  last  treatise,  of  John  Ribault,  is  a  thing  that  hath  been 
alreadio  printed,  but  not  nowe  to  be  had,  vnless  I  had  caused 
it  to  be  printed  againe."  In  a  note  by  the  learned  editor  of  the 
"  Divers  Voyages,"  rej)rinted  by  the  Ilakluyt  Society,  at 
page  94,  he  says,  "  The  French  original  [of  Ribault's  voy- 
age] is  not  known  to  exist,  and  it  is  doubtful  if  it  ever  was 
printed."  It  will  be  noticed  that  Ilakluyt  says,  in  the  text 
above  cited,  that  this  discourse  is  "  extant  in  jmnf,  bothe  in 
Frenche  and  Englishe." 

Pages  21,  22. 

**  Doctor  MonardusP 

Nicholas  Monardes  was  a  learned  Sjiaiiish  physician,  born 
about  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  died  in  1578. 
He  published  at  Seville,  in  15G5,  15G9,  and  1571,  various  trea- 
tises relating  to  the  rare  and  singular  virtues  of  the  plants  discov- 
ered in  the  New  World ;  and,  in  1574,  embodied  these  in  one  vol- 
ume, entitled  "  Ilistoria  medicinal  de  las  cosas  que  se  traen  de 
nuestras  Indias  occidentales,  que  sirven  en  medicina,"  &c.  The 
greater  part  of  this  volume  was  translated  into  English  by  John 
Frampton,  and  published  in  London,  in  1577,  entitled  "  Joyful! 
Newes  out  of  the  newfound  world,"  «fcc.  A  second  edition 
was  published  in  1580,  and  a  third  in  159G,  containing  an 
additional  fourth  book,  "  which  treateth  of  two  medicines  ex- 
cellent against  all  venom,  which  are  the  Bezaar  stone,  and  the 
Herbe  Escuerconera^''  also  a  dialogue  on  Iron,  and  a  treatise  on 
Snow.  This  work  of  Monardes  was  also  translated  into  Latin 
and  Italian.  On  fol.  4G  (the  fol.  cited  by  Ilakluyt  in  the  text) 
of  the  English  translation  of  1580  is  the  passage  quoted  here 
by  him ;  the  last  sentence  is  from  fol.  48. 


NOTES    TO    IIAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


197 


Page  22. 

"  Yerarsana,  f<(lUnije  in  tne  latitude  of  34  degrees,  describeth 
the  scittiation,^''  cbc. 

Tlie  narrative  following  is  taken  from  the  author's  version,  as 
jiublished  in  }iis  "  Divers  Voyages."  1582,  translated  from  the 
Italian  in  liamusio,  III.  420-22,  Venice,  155G. 

Page  25. 

"  Another  Frenche  ccqntaine  of  Diepe,  which  hud  bene 
alonr/est  this  coaste,  geveth  (his  teati/monie  ,  .  .  as  it  is  in  the 
thirde  volume  of  oiages  gathered  by  Ilatnnsius^'' 

The  passage  in  Italian  quoted  on  this  page  is  only  found  in 
liamusio:  "The  inhabitants  of  this  country  are  a  very  pleas- 
ant, tractable,  and  peaceful  people.  The  country  is  abounding 
with  all  sorts  of  fruit.  There  grow  oranges,  almonds,  wild 
grapes,  and  many  other  fruits  of  odoriferous  trees.  The  coun- 
try is  named  by  the  inhabitants  Nurumbega." 

The  French  captain  here  referred  to  is  supposed,  by  Estan- 
celin,  to  be  the  famous  Jean  Parmentier  of  Diejipe ;  and  M. 
D'Avezac  considers  the  author  of  die  "  Discourse  "  in  Kamusio 
to  be  Pierre  Crignon,  Parmentier's  friend  and  companion.  (See 
IntTOduction  to  the  Bref  Ilecit  of  Cartier,  )).  vii.,  Tross,  Paris, 
18G3;  INIurphy's  Voyage  of  Veri'azzano,  pp.  85,  80;  Major's 
Introduction  to  the  "  Early  Voyage  to  Terra  Australis,"  p.  vi. ; 
Kohl's  Documentary  History  of  Maine,  pp.  227,  228,  and  231 ; 
compare  Brevoort's  "  Verrazano  the  Navigator,"  j).  107.) 


I» 


Pages  26,  101. 

'■'•  And  this  yere,  1584,  the  Marques  de  la  Roche  .  .  .  xcas 
caste  av:aije  over  againste  Burvuge" 

"  Was  cast  airag  upon  the  trauers  of  Hurwage." 

Not  improbably  the  old  seaport  of  "  Brouage,"  not  fir  from 
Rochelle,  once  considered  the  "second  harbor  in  France,"  but 
now  deserted,  was  here  intended,  leavers,  or  moi'e  properly 
d  traversy  means  opjwsite,  or  over  against.     Ilakluyt  may  have 


,.  1 


ll 


198 


APPENDIX. 


Itocti  quoting  from  some  French  flocumont,  and  used  the  word 
"trfivers"  inadvertently  in  tlie  second  jiassage  quoted  above. 
This  notice  of  an  expedition  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Roche,  in 
1584,  has  never  before  met  oui  eye. 

In  1577  and  1578,  commissions  were  issued  by  Henry  III, 
to  the  Marquis  de  la  Uoche,  a\Uhorizing  settlements  in  the 
terres-neuDes,  and  the  a<ljacent  countries  newly  discovered  ; 
but  no  settlement  Avas  made.  Whether  any  expeditions  had 
been  fitted  out  by  him  before  the  disastrous  one  related  in  the 
text,  we  are  ignorant.  In  1598,  another  grant  was  made  to  La 
Roche  by  Henry  IV.,  for  coloni/itig  New  France.  His  leUres 
patentes  may  be  seen  in  Lescarbot,  4"i"2-'29,  in  which  he  is  styled 
"  Lieut.-general  desdits  pais  de  Canada,  Hochehiga,  Terres- 
neuves,  Labia<lor,  riviere  de  la  grande  Baye,  de  Noremberque 
(c'est  la  riviere  de  Canada)  et  terres  adjacentes,"  &c.  He  ha<l 
large  powers  conferred  upon  him.  CoUectinj^-  a  load  of  col- 
onists, including  forty  convicts  from  the  prisons  he  set  sail  in  a 
small  vessel,  and,  arriving  off  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  landed 
the  convicts  on  Sable  Island,  with  a  view  to  their  removal 
when  he  sliould  have  selected  a  fit  site  for  the  capital  of  his 
new  dominion.  In  the  mean  tiiue,  a  sudden  gale  of  wind  from 
the  west  drove  his  vessel  from  the  coast,  and  pursued  him 
homeward.  The  convicts  remained,  and  dragged  out  a  miser- 
able existence.  Five  years  aflerward  only  twelve  of  them 
were  alive,  and  these  were  brought  home  to  France.  Broken 
by  niisf(»rtune,  La  Roche  is  said  to  have  "died  miserably." 
(Murphy,  Voyage  of  Verrazzano,  p.  .37;  Lescarbot,  pp.  420, 
421 ;  Parkm.an,  Pioneers  of  France,  &c.,  pp.  210-12.) 


Page  28. 

"  The  very  loora  5  of  Vasques  de  Coronado  .  .  .  written  to 
Don  Antonio  di  Mendoza^  Viceroy  of  Mexico." 

These  extracts  are  copied  from  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio, 
where  the  entire  Relation  is  published.  Ilakluyt  subse(]uently 
printed  an  English  version  of  it  in  his  third  volume  of  "  Voy- 
acfes,"  and  the  translation  below  is  taken  from  that :  — 

"In  this  towne  where  I  nowe  remaine  there  may  bee  some 


I 


wm 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


199 


critten  to 


two  IuuhIi'cmI  houses,  all  coin|iasso(l  witli  walles,  and  I  thiiiko 
that  with  tho  rest  of  the  houses  which  are  not  so  walled, 
there  may  be  together  five  hundred.  There  is  another  towno 
nore  this,  which  is  one  of  the  seuen,  and  it  is  somewhat  higger 
then  tills,  and  another  of  tho  same  hignesse  that  this  is  o[\  and 
the  other  foure  are  somewhat  lesse  :  and  I  send  them  all  jiainted 
unto  your  lordship  with  the  voyage.  And  tho  j)archnK'nt 
wlierein  the  j)icture  is,  was  found  here  witli  other  parchments. 
.  .  .  They  hai;e  painted  niantles,  like  those  which  I  send  vnto 
your  lordship.  Thoy  have  no  cotton  wooll  growing  .  .  .  yet 
they  wcarc  mantles  thereof  as  your  honour  may  see  by  the  shewo 
thereof:  and  true  it  is  that  there  was  found  in  tlieir  houses 
certaine  yarne  made  of  cotton  wooll.  .  .  .  And  they  have  Tur- 
quesf's,  I  thinke,  good  qnantitie.  .  .  .  There  were  found  in  a 
certaini'  paper  two  poynts  of  Emeralds,  and  certaine  small 
stones  broken  which  are  in  color  somewliat  like  Granales  . . .  and 
other  stones  of  Christall  .  .  .  and  Guinie  cockes  .  .  .  excellent 
good  and  greater  then  those  of  Mexico.  .  .  .  There  is  most  ex- 
cellent grasse  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  hence.  .  .  .  They  eato 
the  best  cakes  that  euer  I  sawe  ...  in  any  place.  .  .  .  They 
haue  most  excellent  salte  in  kernell,  which  they  fetch  from  a  cer- 
taine lake  a  days  journey  from  hence.  .  .  .  Here  are  many  sorts 
of  beasts,  as  Beares,  Tigers,  Lions,  PorKespicks,  and  certaine 
sheep  as  bigge  as  an  horse,  with  very  great  homes  and  little  tails. 
.  .  .  Here  are  also  Avilde  goates  whose  heads  likewise  I  haue  scene 
.  .  .  and  the  skins  of  wilde  bores,  Tliere  is  game  of  deere, 
ounces,  and  very  great  stagges.  .  .  .  They  travel  eight  dayea 
journey  vnto  certaine  plaines  lying  towards  the  North  Sea.  In 
this  countrey  there  are  certaine  skinnes  well  dressed,  and  they 
dresso  them  ami  paint  them  where  they  kill  their  Oxen.  .  .  . 
I  send  your  honor  one  oxe-hide,  certaine  Turqueses,  and  two 
earrings  of  the  same,  and  fiftcene  combes  of  the  Indians,  and 
certain  tablets  set  with  these  Turqueses.  ...  In  this  place  there 
is  found  s(Mne  quantitie  of  golde  and  siluer,  which  those  which 
are  skiU'ull  in  mineral  matters  esteeme  to  be  very  good,"  &c. 
(llakluyt,  III.  377,  378,  380.) 


^i  i  I 


200 


APPENDIX. 


Page  80. 


"  And  Franciacits  Zo2)ez  de  Oomera,  in  his  Ocnendl  Ilintorie 
of  the  Indies,  fol.  207  (tnd  298,  in  treatinf/c  of  the  secotide  voi/- 
adife  of  FranciscHS  Vusi/ues  de  Coronado  ,  .  .  sditthfirste  of 
the  contrye  about  2\'(/ues." 

Ill  citing  these  brief  extrncts  from  Goinara's  "General  ITiS' 
tory,"  Ilakluyt  quotes  from  an  Italian  version,  of  which  there 
were  more  than  one  extant  at  this  time.  We  give  liere  the 
original  Spanish  from  the  edition  of  Juan  Steelsio,  published  at 
Antwerp  in  1554,  fols.  273,  274,  with  Ilakluyt's  translation  :  — 

"  Ay  en  aqlla  ribera  meloncs,  y  algodon  bianco,  y  Colorado, 
de  quo  hazen  muy  mas  anchas  mantas,  (jue  en  otras  partes  do 
Indias."  "In  this  countrey  there  are  melons,  and  white  and 
redde  cotton,  whereof  they  make  farre  larger  mantels  then  ia 
other  parts  of  the  Indies."     (Ilakluyt,  i^I.  381.) 

"And  of  Quivira  he  saieth":  — 

"Esta  Quiuira  en  quarenta  grados,  es  tierra  templada,  do 
buenas  aquas,  de  muchas  yeruas,  ciruelas,  moras,  nuezes,  nie- 
lones,  y  vuas,  que  maduran  bien  ;  no  ay  algodon,  y  visten  cueros 
de  vacas,  y  venados.  Vieron  por  la  costa  naos,  que  trayan 
nrcatrazes  de  oro,  yde  i)lata  en  las  proas,  co  mercaderias,  y  pen- 
Baron  ser  del  Catayo,  y  China,  porq,  senalauan  auer  nauogado 
treynta  dias." 

"  Quivira  is  in  fortie  degrees  :  it  is  a  temperate  countrie  and 
hath  very  good  waters,  and  much  grasse,  plummes,  mulberries, 
nuts,  melons  and  grajjcs,  which  I'ipen  very  well.  There  is  no 
cotton;  and  they  api)arell  themselues  with  oxe-hides  and  deore 
skinnes.  They  sawe  shippos  on  the  seii  coast,  which  bare  Alca- 
traizes  (or  pellicanes)  of  golde  an<l  silver  in  their  prows,  and 
were  laden  with  marchandizes,  and  they  thought  them  to  bee  of 
Cathaya  and  China,  because  they  shovveil  our  men  by  signs 
that  they  had  sayled  thirtie  dayes."     (Ilakluyt,  III.  381.) 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


201 


Page  30. 

"  ToHchmr/  Newcfonnd  land  .  .  .  those  that  were  there  the 
taste  i/ere,  1583  .  .  .  toith  tSir  Jlum/ri/  Gllhert"  cCc. 

Captain  liicliard  Whitbourno,  of  Kxmoutli,  County  Dovon,  in 
tlie  |>rcfa('t'  to  "A  Discourso  and  Discovery  of  Newlijundland," 
London,  10:20,  says,  —  "  In  ii  voyage  to  tliat  countrc;  aliout  30 
yeeros  since,  I  had  the  conunand  of  ii  worthy  Sliip  of  liliO  Tun, 
set  forth  by  one  Master  Crooko  of  South-hainpton :  At  that 
time  Sir  Ilunifrey  (lilhert,  a  Devonshire  Knii^lit,  eame  thither 
witii  two  <i;()od  ships  and  a  I'innaee,  and  brouglit  with  liini  a 
hiiife  Patent  from  tiic  late  most  renowned  (^ueene  Klizabetli, 
and  in  her  name  tooke  jJOHsession  of  that  countrey,  iu  the 
Harbour  of  S.  Jolins,  whereof  I  was  au  eyo-witnesse." 


Page  30. 

"  A  learned  discourse,  intitided,  '  A  Trve  Reportc,  "  tC'C. 

The  full  title  of  this  book  is  :  — 

"  A  Trve  llei)orte  of  the  late  Discoveries,  and  Possession, 
taken  in  the  Itight  of  the  Crowne  of  Euglande  of  the  Newfound 
Landes:  IJy  that  valiaunt  and  worthye  Gentleman,  Sir  Iluin- 
frey  Gilbert  Knight.  Wherein  is  also  brieetly  sette  downe  her 
Highnesse  lawfuU  Tytle  therevnto,  .  .  .  London,  by  L  C.  for 
lohn  Ilinde,  1583"  4to. 

It  is  dedicated  to  Secretary  ^^'alsingham,  and  signed  G.  P. 
Thr,  full  name,  Sir  George  Peckh.ini,  is  given  by  Ilakluyt,  who 
re  trints  the  Discourse  in  his  folio  of  1589,  and  in  that  of  1000. 

Pech  lam  was  "  the  chiefe  adventurer  and  furthercr  of  Sir 
Humfrey  Gilbert's  voyage  to  Newfound  Land."  His  book 
was  written  soon  after  the  return  of  the  "  Golden  Ilinde " 
(Edward  Hayes,  captain  and  owner)  to  Falmouth,  2-d  Septem- 
ber, 1583 ;  at  whieh  time  some  hopes  seem  to  have  been  enter- 
tained that  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  might  have  weathered  the 
storm,  and  would  reappear  in  England.  The  book  is  an  urgent 
appeal  for  colonization,  and  for  a  new  atteni])t  to  be  made 
under  the  patent  of  Gilbert,  which  liad  not  yet  expired.  Many 
of  the  facts  and  arguments  adduced  here  are  similar  to  those 

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APPENDIX. 


used  by  Hakhiyt  in  this  Discourse,  and  he  must  occasionally 
have  drawn  from  it.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Discourse  of 
Captain  Carlyle,  written  in  April,  1583,  in  advocacy  of  the 
voyage  of  Gilbert,  before  the  sailing  of  that  expedition  on  the 
11th  June  of  that  year,  and  published  soon  after.  This  was 
also  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  his  folios  as  above.  Some  considera- 
tions relating  to  trade  and  merchandise,  urged  by  Carlyle,  of 
which  a  great  advantage  was  predicted  for  England  by  this 
scheme  of  colonization,  were  adopted  by  Hakluyt  m  this  Dis- 
course. Mention  should  also  be  made  of  the  Report  of  Edward 
Hayes,  captain  of  the  "Golden  Hinde,"  on  "the  voyage  and  suc- 
cesse  thereof,"  of  Sir  H.  Gilbert,  written  evidently  after  the 
Report  of  Sir  George  Peckham  was  penned,  and  after  the 
fate  of  Gilbert  was  made  certain.  This  also  finds  a  place  in 
Hakluyt's  volumes. 

Pages  31,  32. 

Letter  of  Stephen  Parmenius.  He  was  in  one  of  Gilberts 
ships,  thz  "  Delight^''  which  foundered  at  sea. 

The  letter  dated  "  In  Newfound  land,  at  Saint  Johns  Port, 
the  6th  of  August,  1583,"  is  printed  in  Hakluyt,  III.  161-163, 
with  an  English  translation.  The  following  is  his  rendering  of 
the  passages  he  quotes  in  the  text:  — 

"  Of  Fish  here  is  incredible  abundance,  whereby  great  gaine 
growes  to  them  that  travell  to  these  parts.  The  hooke  is  no 
sooner  throwne  out,  but  it  is  eftsoones  drawne  vp  with  some 
goodly  fish.  The  whole  land  is  full  of  hilles  and  woods.  The 
trees  for  the  most  part  are  Pynes,  and  of  them  some  are  very 
olde,  and  some  yong :  all  the  grasse  here  is  long  and  tall  and 
little  differeth  from  ours.  It  seemeth  also  that  the  nature  of 
this  soyle  is  fit  for  come,  for  I  found  certaine  blades  and  eares 
in  a  manner  bearded,  so  that  it  appeareth  that  by  manuring 
and  sowing  they  may  easily  be  framed  for  the  vse  of  man.  Hero 
are  in  the  woodcs  bush  berries,  or  rather  straw  berries  growing 
up  like  trees,  of  great  sweetnesse.  Beares  also  appeare  about 
the  fishers  stages  of  the  countrey.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  unknowne  whither  any  mettals  lye  vnder  the  hilles  .  .  . 
the  very  colour  and  hue  of  the  hilles  seeme  to  have  some  niynes 
in  them.     We  mooued  our  Admirall  to  set  the  woods  a  fire  so 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


203 


r 


that  wee  might  h.aue  space  and  entrance  to  take  view  of  the 
Countrcy,  which  motion  did  notliiiig  displease  him,  were  it  not 
for  feare  of  great  inconucnience  tliat  might  thereof  insue :  for  it 
was  reported  and  confirmed  by  very  credible  persons,  that 
when  the  like  liappened  by  chance  in  another  Port  the  fish 
neuer  came  to  the  place  about  it  for  the  space  of  7.  whole 
yeeres  after,  by  reason  of  the  waters  made  bitter  by  the  Turpen- 
tine, and  Rosen  of  the  trees,  which  ran  into  the  riuers  upon  the 
firing  of  them.  The  weather  is  so  hote  this  time  of  the  yeere, 
that  except  the  very  fish,  which  is  layd  out  to  be  dryed  by  the 
sunno,  be  every  day  turned,  it  cannot  possibly  bee  preserued 
from  burning.  .  .  .  The  ayr  ujjon  land  is  indifterent  cleare,  but 
at  8<.a  towards  the  east  there  is  nothing  els  but  perpetuall 
mists,"  &G. 

A  memoir  of  Parmenius,  with  an  English  translation  of  his 
Latin  poem,  in  Ilakluyt,  addressed  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
before  the  writer  intended  to  embark  with  th.at  navig.ator,  will 
be  found  in  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  8oc.  IX.  49-75.  They  are  by 
the  Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  D.D. 


Pages  32,  33. 

'•  To  passe  from  NeiofoiiiKManch  to  60  degrees,  I Jinde  it 
beste  described  by  Jasper  Corterealis^'' 

The  passage  cited  from  Ramusio,  III.  417,  was  not  written 
by  the  navigator  himself,  as  would  be  inferred  from  the  language 
of  Ilakluyt.  No  account  of  the  voyages  of  either  of  the  brothers 
Corterial  exists,  written  by  the  navigators  themselves.  Ample 
memorials  of  them,  however,  are  preserved,  and  we  can  do  no 
better  service  to  the  reader  than  to  refer  him  to  the  note  of 
Dr.  Kohl  in  the  first  volume  of  our  "  Documentary  History," 
pp.  1G4-173,  who  cites  largely  from  the  work  of  the  learned 
Kunstnmnn,  entitled  "Die  Entdcckung  Amerika's,  Miinchen, 
1859."  See  also  Biddle's  Cabot,  pp.  237-244.  The  following 
is  an  English  translation  of  the  passage  in  the  Discourse:  — 

"INIany  captains  have  sailed  to  that  part  of  the  new  world 
which  runs  towards  the  north  and  north-west,  over  against  our 
habitable  part  of  Europe  ;  but  the  first  (so  far  as  is  known)  was 
Gasparo  Cortereale,  a  Portuguese,  who  went  there  in  1500  with 


nl'. 

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204 


APPENDIX. 


two  caravela,  thinking  to  find  some  strait  through  which  he 
could  get  to  the  Spice  Islands  by  a  shorter  route  than  going 
around  Africa.  He  sailed  so  far  that  he  came  to  a  place  where 
there  was  very  great  cold,  and  in  the  sixtieth  degree  of  latitude 
he  found  a  river  covered  with  snow,  from  which  he  gave  it  the 
name,  Rio  Nevado  [Snowed  River],  and  he  hadn't  the  courage 
to  go  farther.  All  this  coast,  which  runs  two  hundred  leagues 
from  the  said  Rio  Nevado  to  the  pori  of  Malvas,  on  the  fitly- 
sixtli  degree,  was  seen  to  be  full  of  people  and  well  inhabited ; 
and  landing  he  captured  some  of  the  natives  to  carry  off  with 
him.  He  also  discovered  many  islands  along  the  coast,  all 
inhabited,  and  he  gave  a  name  to  each  one.  The  inhabitants 
are  tall,  well-proportioned  men,  but  somewhat  crafty ;  and  they 
paint  their  flices  and  their  whole  bodies  with  different  colors 
for  ornament.  They  wear  silver  and  copper  bracelets,  and  cover 
themselves  with  skins  of  martens  and  various  other  animals 
sewed  together;  in  the  winter  they  wear  them  with  the  fur 
inside,  in  the  summer  with  the  fur  outside.  For  the  most  part 
their  food  is  fish  rather  than  any  thing  else,  and  especially 
salmon,  of  which  they  have  a  great  abundance ;  and  although 
there  are  many  kinds  of  birds  and  of  fruits  there,  yet  they  make 
no  account  of  any  thing  but  fishes.  Their  dwellings  are  made 
of  timber,  of  wliich  they  have  plenty,  as  there  are  mighty  and 
huge  woods ;  and  in  place  of  tiles  they  cover  them  ith  the 
skins  of  fishes,  which  they  catch  very  large  and  skin  them.  He 
saw  many  birds  and  other  animals,  especially  bears  entirely 
white." 

Page  34. 

"  T/ie  reste  of  this  coastefrom  60  to  63  is  described  by  Fro- 
bisher^ 

Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  an  eminent  naval  hero,  was  a  native  of 
Yorkshire.  In  1576,  he  was  sent  out  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  with 
three  vessels,  to  search  for  the  North-wi-st  Passage.  He  dis- 
covered a  cape  on  the  northerly  coast  of  America,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  "Elizabeth's  Foreland,"  and  also  the 
strait  which  bears  his  own  name.  He  was  prevented  by  ice 
from  entering  the  strait,  but  he  entered  a  bay  in  latitude  63'^  N., 


WW] 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


205 


and  sailed  many  leagues.  He  landed  somewhere  to  the  north- 
ward of  Labrador,  and  kidnapped  one  of  the  natives.  A  piece 
of  black  stone  which  he  brought  home  with  him  Was  pro- 
nounced by  the  London  goldsmiths  to  be  richly  impregnated 
with  gold.  This  only  served  to  inspire  hopes  which  subse- 
quent experience  proved  delusive.  Next  year,  with  one  ship  and 
two  barks,  he  sailed  again  for  the  north-west  coast;  and,  landing 
near  Frobisher'a  Straits,  he  brought  away  more  natives  and 
more  ore,  which  latter  finally  proved  but  "dross."  In  1578, 
Frobisher  set  sail  with  fifteen  ships,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
a  settlament  in  the  coimtry.  But  the  design  proved  a  failure. 
Soon  after  landing,  a  violent  storm  separated  t!ie  fleet;  and, 
although  every  ship  returned  to  England,  forty  persons  died 
on  the  voyage.  The  ships  were  freighted  with  the  pretended 
gold-ore  from  the  mines,  "  which  proved  worse  than  good  stone, 
Avhereby  many  were  deceived  to  their  utter  undoing."  In  1577 
was  published  "A  true  report"  of  the  voyage  of  that  year, 
written  by  Dionyse  Settle,  one  of  the  company.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  was  published  "  A  True  Discourse  of  the  late  voyages 
of  discoverie,"  &c.,  written  by  George  Best,  who  sailed  with 
Frobisher,  giving  an  account  of  the  three  voyages.  This  has 
been  reprinted  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  with  ample  notes. 


i  1 


Pages  39,  40. 

"  In  the  yere  of  our  Lorde  1564,  ...  a  subjecte  of  the  then 
twoo  Erlea  of  Emdon  . . .  wrote  a  notable  discourse^''  &c.  See 
also  p.  50. 

We  have  not  been  able  to  find  f.ny  other  reference  to  this 
discourse  or  its  author.  It  is  very  well  known  that  the 
English  merchants  residing  in  Antwerp,  in  consequence  of  the 
jealousies  fomented  against  them,  the  restrictions  laid  upon 
their  trade,  and  the  bringing  in  there  of  the  inquisition,  re- 
moved this  year  (1564),  with  all  their  efltjcts,  to  Embden.  In 
the  latter  part  of  the  previous  year,  negotiations  had  been 
entered  into  between  the  English  Government  and  the  Coun- 
tess of  East  Friseland  (of  which  Embden  was  the  capital),  and 
her  sons  the  Earls,  in  relation  to  this  movement,  which  was 


206 


APPENDIX. 


brought  about  through  the  intervention  of  Utonhovius,  the 
cliief  member  of  the  Dutch  Church  in  London,  a  man  well 
known  to  the  Countess,  and  held  in  high  esteem  by  her  and 
Archbishop  Grindall.  A  full  account  of  it  may  be  seen  in 
Strype's  History  of  the  Life  of  Grindall,  Oxford,  1821,  chap, 
ix. 

The  husband  of  the  countess-mother,  who  now  governed  the 
country,  was  Enno  IL,  born  1505,  died  1540 ;  married,  in  1530, 
Ann,  daughter  of  John  IV.,  of  Oldenburg,  born  1501,  died 
1575.  Their  children  were :  1.  Ezhard,  born  24th  June,  1532, 
died  1st  March,  1599;  2.  Christopher,  born  1536,  died  15G6; 
3.  John,  born  1538,  died  19th  Setember,  1591.  The  second 
son  was  lame  and  feeble,  and  took  no  part  in  public  affairs,  and 
soon  after  died.     (See  Anderson's  Royal  Genealogies.) 

It  is  not  improbable  that  some  member  of  the  Dutch  Church 
in  St.  Austin  Friars,  London, — perhaps  Utenhovius  himself,— 
was  the  author  of  the  discourse  to  which  Ilakluyt  here  refers. 


■•  .1 


Page  40. 
« In  the  22(7  booke  of  Sleydans  ComentariesP 

The  edict  of  Charles  V.,  1550,  appears  in  Sleidan's  Commen- 
taries (Cap.  XXII.  p.  678  et  seq..,  first  published  in  Latin,  in 
1555),  in  a  summary  of  its  provisions  for  the  detection  and 
punishment  of  the  Lutherans  and  Bucerons,  The  following 
passages  relating  to  the  city  of  Antwerp  are  taken  from  the 
English  version,  published  in  London  in  1560,  "translated  by 
John  Daus." 

"  When  this  decre  was  proclaimed,  many  were  sore  aston- 
ished, especially  the  high  duch  and  English  marchants,  which 
occupy  the  trafiick  of  marchandise  in  themperors  townes  & 
countries,  especially  at  Andwarpe,  a  great  nobre.  Wherefore 
they  wer  of  this  mind,  y'  vnles  the  decre  wer  mitigated,  thei 
\vold  remoue  to  another  place :  yea  mani  of  the  sluitting  vp 
their  shops  purposed  to  depart,  for  thauoyding  of  y"  dftger. 
The  Senate  of  Andwarp  also,  &  thother  citezens  ther,  which 
saw  what  a  Avoderful  losse  this  wold  be  to  thS,  wer  in  a  great 
perplexity :  &  '.vhg  thinquisitors  came  thither,  they  w«stode 
the  withal  theyr  indeuor,  &  riding  to  the  Lady  reget,  declare 


ipflpi 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


20' 


vnto  her,  wlmt  a  losse  it  shuM  bo  not  to  tliC  only,  but  also  to 
the  whole  region,  if  this  decre  take  place.  Wherefore  the 
matter  was,  in  the  same  city,  for  y'  which  the  decre  was 
chiefly  made,  by  reaso  of  sodry  natios  &  people  there,  ap- 
peased for  y"  time."     (Fol.  cccxlvii,) 

"  For  Mary  Queene  of  Hungary,  Regent  of  Flaunders,  was 
come  thither  [to  Augusta],  booth  for  other  matters  and  also  for 
this  cause  chiefly,  that  the  proclamation  lately  set  forth  in 
Flauders  and  those  parties  might  be  mitigated.  For  vnless  it 
were  so,  she  sayde  it  would  come  to  passe,  that  Andwerpe, 
which  is  nowe  the  beste  frequented  marte  toAvne  in  the  whole 
worlde,  shoulde  fall  in  decay  and  lose  her  former  beautie. 
Moreover  that  ther  was  great  daunger  in  all  places  of  an  insur- 
rection, in  case  the  thinge  should  be  put  in  execution.  The 
Emperour  very  hardly  acconsented  at  the  laste,  and  altering  those 
ihingos  that  concerned  marchauntos  straungers,  taketh  away  the 
name  of  inquisitione  abhorred  of  all  men,  the  residue  he  cora- 
mauudeth  to  take  place  and  to  be  observed."     (Fol.  cccxlix.) 

Page  41. 

"  The  opinio7i  of  that  excellent  man,  Mr.  JRoberte  Thoriie, 
extante  in  printe  in  the  laste  leafe  savinge  one  of  his  discourse 
to  Doctor  Xea"  (&c. 

Hakluyt  refers  to  the  place  in  his  own  "  Divers  Voyages," 
1582,  where  this  letter  is  printed,  as  per  a  copy  of  the  original 
edition  now  before  us. 


Page  47. 

"  Chichimici — Myles  PhillippsP 

Miles  Phillips  was  one  of  John  Hawkins's  sailors,  who,  with 
David  Ingram  (see  p.  115  and  note)  and  one  hundred  and 
twelve  others,  was  set  on  shore  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  in  15G8. 
Phillips's  narrative  follows  Ingram's  in  Ilakluyt's  folio  of  1589, 
and  is  reprinted  in  his  larger  work  (III.  469-87),  followed 
there  by  an  account  wn-itten  by  another  of  the  sailors.  Job 
Hortop.  These  two  went  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  while  Ingram 
went  north. 


208 


ArrENuix. 


The  "  Chicliimici"  described  by  Phillips  were  native  Indians 
of  the  country.  Gomara  devotes  a  brief  cha])ter  to  them  in  liis 
"  Ilistoria  de  Mexico."  The  following  is  Thomas  Nicholas's 
quaint  rendei-ing  of  him:  — 

"In  the  lande  nowe  called  new  spayne  are  dyvers  and  sundry 
generations  of  people :  but  they  holde  opinion  that  the  stocke  of 
most  anticpiitie,  is  the  people  nowe  called  Chicldmecan.,  whiche 
proceeded  out  of  the  house  of  Acidhtiacan,  wliich  standeth 
beyond  Juilixo^  about  tiie  yeare  of  our  Lorde  720.  Many  of 
this  generation  did  inhabite  aboute  the  lake  of  Temichtitlan,  but 
their  name  ended  by  mixture  in  marriage  with  other  peojile. 
At  that  time  they  hadde  no  King,  nor  yet  did  builde  eyther 
house  or  Towne.  Their  only  dwellings  was  in  caues  in  the 
Moutaynes.  They  went  naked,  they  sowed  Uo  kind  of  graine, 
nor  vsed  bread  of  any  sorte.  They  did  maintayne  themselves 
with  rootos,  hearbes,  and  siluoster  fruites  :  and  beeing  a  peojdo 
cunning  in  shooting  with  the  bowe,  they  kylled  deare,  hares, 
connyes,  and  other  beastes  and  foule,  which  they  eate  also,  not 
sodden  or  rosted,  but  rawe,  and  dryed  in  the  sunne.  They 
eate  also  Snakes,  Lizardes,  and  other  filthye  beastes,  yea  and  at 
this  day  there  are  some  of  this  generation  that  vse  the  same 
dyet.  But  although  they  lined  such  a  bestiall  life,  &  b(.'ing  a 
people  so  barbarous,  yet  in  theiv  deuelish  religion  they  were 
verye  deuout.  They  worshipped  'he  Sunne,  unto  whome  they 
vsed  to  offer  Snakes,  Lizards,  and  such  other  beasts.  They 
likewise  offered  vnto  their  God  a'l  kinde  of  foule,  from  the 
degree  of  an  Eagle,  to  a  little  Butterflie.  They  vsed  not  sacri- 
fice of  miislaughter,  nor  had  any  IdoUes,  no  not  so  rauche  as 
of  the  Sunne,  whome  they  helde  for  the  sole  and  only  God. 
They  married  but  with  one  woman,  &:  in  no  degree  of  kindred. 
They  were  a  stout  and  a  warlike  people,  by  reason  whereof 
they  were  the  Lordes  of  the  land."  ("  The  Pieasant  Historie 
of  the  Conquest  of  the  Weast  Indii\,"  &c.,  London,  1578, 
pp.  378,  379.) 


1'    n 


NOTES    TO   HAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


209 


Pages  47,  125. 

"  Monsieur  Pophjnier?^ 

The  work  of  L.  V.  tie  la  Poiiclliniere  was  piiblislied  at  Paria 
in  1582,  in  the  French  language.  On  folio  34  et  seq.  of  the 
Second  Book  will  be  found  the  "storye"  to  which  he  hero 
refers.  Although  published  four  years  before  the  account  of 
Gourgues's  voyage  to  Florida  was  issued  by  Basanier,  his  narra- 
tive will  be  found  to  include  that  voyage.  The  work  i)ubli8hed 
by  Basanier,  principally  written  by  Laudonniere,  giving  a  his- 
tory of  the  attempts  of  the  French  Huguenots  to  establish  a 
colony  in  Florida,  "had  been  concealed  many  years"  in  manu- 
script. It  was  published  in  Paris  in  1580,  dedicated  to  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  ;  and  in  the  following  year  was  translated  into 
English  by  Hakluyt.  It  is  included  in  his  third  volume  of 
voyages,  1600. 

Page  53. 

"  Hath  hired  at  sowlry  times  the  sonnes  of  Beliall  to  bereve 
the  Prince  of  Orange  of  his  life^ 

The  life  of  William  of  Nassau  was  several  times  attempted 
by  the  hired  assassins  of  Philip.  In  March,  1582,  he  was  dan- 
gerously wounded  by  a  ball,  and  barely  escaped.  Two  years 
later,  in  July,  1584,  while  Hakluyt  was  in  London  writing  this 
Discourse,  another  attempt  was  but  too  successful.  (See 
Froude's  England,  XI.  16,  17,  561,  566,  XII.  13.) 


Pages  54,  58. 
"  Mbunsiettr  de  Aldegonnde.^'' 

This  author's  name  was  Marnix  de  Sainte-Aldegonde.  He 
was  born  in  Brussels,  in  1538,  and  died  in  1598.  He  was  a  cele- 
brated writer,  diplomat,  and  Calvinistic  theologian.  He  was 
burgomaster  of  Antwerp,  and  at  one  time  minister  to  England, 
where  Hakluyt  probably  knew  him.  "There  were  fuw  more 
brilliant  characters  than  he  in  all  Christendom,"  says  IMotley,  in 
an  interesting  notice  of  this  remarkable  man,  in  his  United 
Netherlands,  I.  145  et  seq.  Meursius,  who  gives  a  list  of  his 
publications,  says  of  him  :  — 

27 


210 


APPENDIX. 


t|'d^ 


"  How  great  a  mfister  of  politics  and  history  ho  was,  appears 
from  tliat  tract  of  liis  wherein  he  treats  of  the  Desvpis  of  the 
Spaniards,  who,  aiming  at  universal  monarchy,  lell  nothing 
unattempted.  In  that  i)iece,  like  a  Prophet,  he  foretold  many 
political  events,  which  have  actually  haj)pened  in  Great  Britain, 
Poland,  and  France."     (IJayle's  Diet.  IX.  27.) 

The  work  to  which  Ilakluyt  refers  in  this  Discourse,  "  extant 
in  Latin,  Italian,  French,  English,  and  Dutch,"  was  published 
not  long  before  the  time  at  which  lie  is  writing.  The  only 
co|>3'  of  it  we  have  seen  is  a  reprint  of  the  Latin  edition  of 
1584,  included  in  the  collected  writings  of  Marnix,  printed  at 
Brusseles  in  1856-GO.  Its  title  is,  "Ad  potentissiinos  ac 
serenissimos  reges,  principea,  reliquosque  amplissimos  christiani 
orbis  ordines,  seria  de  reip.  Christiana)  statu  ejubipie  salute  at<jue 
incoluniitate  conservanda,  Germani  cujusdam  nobilis  et  patriie 
amantis  viri  commonefactio.  M.D.LXXXIIII."  Excejit  the 
reference  by  Ilakluyt,  no  copy  in  English  has  ever  come  under 
our  notice. 

Page  64. 
''CAP.  /X" 

This  chapter  must  be  regarded  as  the  "  note  gathered  by  an 
excellent  Frenchman,"  referred  to  at  the  close  of  the  preced- 
ing chapter.  "  Gulfe  Dowse"  on  p.  66,  may  be  a  miss]ielling  for 
"  Gulfe  Dulcet  The  story  of  the  river,  cut  from  the  city  of 
Mexico  to  Rio  di  Maio,  in  Florida,  is  only  a  specimen  of  the 
inexact  knowledge  of  the  country  then  existing. 

In  the  following  chapter,  "  Aeriaba"  and  "Corsal"  on  p.  69, 
may  be  intended  for  "  Uraba  "  and  "  Curasoa." 

Page  77. 

"  And  thus  farr  ottte  of  the  large  vohtme  of  Don  Barthol- 
mewe  de  las  Casas^''  dbc. 

Hakluyt's  cit.ition  is  from  a  translation  of  Las  Casas,  published 
in  London  in  1583,  entitled  "The  Spanish  Colonic,  or,  Briefe 
Chronicle  of  the  Acts  and  gestes  of  the  Spaniardes  in  the  West- 
Indies,  called  Ihenewe  Worlde,  for  the  space  of  xl  yeeres,"  &c. 
Purchas  IV.  1567,  et  seq.,  quotes  largely  from  this  translation. 
The  original  was  published  at  Seville  in  1552. 


'I 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


211 


Page  86. 

"  In  my  booke  of  voyadges.^ 

Ilakluyt  hero  refers  directly  to  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  pub- 
lished two  years  before,  in  1582,  in  which  the  Patent  granted 
to  John  Cabot  and  his  three  sons,  from  which  he  here  quotes, 
may  be  found. 

Pages  91,  92. 

"/ie  that  caste  awaye  tJie  Ailmirall  .  .  .  this  tyme  twelve 
monethsP 

In  his  first  folio,  p.  700,  Ilakluyt  publishes  "  A  Relation  of 
Richard  Clarke,  of  Weymouth,  master  of  the  shippo  called  the 
Delight,  going  for  the  discouerie  of  Norumbega  with  Sir 
Humfrey  Gilbert  1583.  Written  in  excuse  of  that  fault  of 
casting  away  the  sliippe  and  men  imputed  to  his  ouersight." 
This  vessel,  the  "Admiral,"  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons, 
was  castaway  on  Sable  Island,  29th  August,  1583.  This  shows 
the  time  at  which  Ilakluyt  is  here  writing.  Farther  on,  at  page 
101,  he  speaks  of  an  event  taking  place  "  in  the  begynnynge 
of  Auguste  laste  paste,  of  this  yere,  1584."  lie  is  now  about 
two-thirds  through  his  book,  which  was  finished,  before  the 
return  of  Raleigh's  two  barks,  "about  the  middest  of  Sep- 
tember." 

Page  97. 

"  The  folly  of  John  Grijahia  for  his  not  inhahitinge  that 
goodd  and  riche  co7itrie  of  Iiicaton^'' 

Ilakluyt  copies  the  story  from  Cravaliz's  Italian  version  of 
Gomara's  History  of  Mexico,  entitled, "  Hlstoria  del  illustriss.  et 
valorosis.  capitano  don  Ferdinando  Cortes,"  &c.,  Rome,  1556. 
We  will  not  trouble  the  reader  by  quoting  the  original  Span- 
ish, now  so  easily  accessible,  but  will  give  the  quaint  English 
version  of  Thomas  Nicolas,  published  in  1578:  — 

"John  de  Grijalua  went  to  Xucatan,  and  there  fouglite  with 
the  Indians  of  Champoton,  and  was  hurt.  From  thoce  he 
entred  the  riuer  Tauasco,  whicfi  Grijalua  hadde  so  named,  in 


"nr^ 


!: 


n 


I 


', 


■f 


I 


212 


APPENDIX. 


the  wliiche  place  lie  bfirtorod  for  things  of  Hmall  value.  ITo  had 
in  oxchaunge  gohlc,  cloth  of  cotton  wool!,  and  other  curious 
things  wrought  of  feathers.  lie  was  also  at  Saint  John  do 
Vlhua,  and  tooko  possession  for  the  king,  in  the  name  of 
Janic'S  Valnsijucs,  and  there  also  exchanged  his  haherdashe 
wares  for  Oolde  and  Couerlets  of  cotten,  and  feathi-rs ;  and  if 
he  hadde  considered  his  good  fortune,  ho  would  hauo  planted 
hahitation  in  so  rich  a  land,  as  his  company  did  earnestly  re- 
([uest  him,  and  if  he  had  so  done,  then  had  he  bin  as  Cortes 
was.  IJut  suche  wealth  was  not  for  him  which  knew  it  not, 
although  he  excused  'mselfe,  saying,  he  went  not  to  inhahite, 
but  to  barter  onely  in  trafike  of  his  Marchiindize,  and  to  dis- 
couer  whether  that  land  of  Xucatan  were  an  Hand,  or  no. 
.  .  .  Hut  when  he  came  home  [that  is,  to  Cuba,  of  which  Va- 
lasqiiez  was  governor]  the  Gouernor  hauing  heanle  of  his 
proceedings,  would  not  looko  upon  him,  whiche  was  hys  just 
reward."  (The-  Pleasant  Ilistorio  of  the  Conquest  of  the 
Weast  India,  &c.,  p.  11.) 

Pages  98,  99. 
"  The  like  atory  wee  have  .  .  .  of  Yasquea  de  Coronado^'' 

Hakluyt  here  cites  an  Italian  version  of  Gomara's  "  General 
Ilistorie."  The  account  is  in  Cap.  CCXIV.  of  the  original 
Spanish.  The  following,  from  Vol.  III.  pp.  381,  382,  of  Ilak- 
luyt's  Larger  work,  is  his  translation  of  the  quoted  passages: 
"Francis  Vasques  fell  from  his  horse  in  Tiguex,  and  with 
the  fall  fell  out  of  his  wits,  and  became  madde.  Which  some 
took  to  be  for  griefe,  and  others  thought  it  to  be  but  counter- 
feited :  for  they  were  much  offended  with  him,  because  bee 
peopled  not  the  countrey.  ...  It  grieved  Don  Antonio  de 
Mendoya  very  much  that  the  army  returned  home :  for  bee 
had  spent  above  three-score  thousand  pesos  of  golde  in  the 
enterprise,  .  .  .  Many  sought  to  have  dwelt  there ;  but  Francis 
Vasquez  de  Coronada,  which  was  rich,  and  Lately  married  to  a 
faire  wife,  would  not  consent,  saying,  that  they  could  not  main- 
taine  nor  defend  themselves  in  a  so  poore  a  countrey,  and  so  far 
from  succour.  Thev  travelled  aboue  nine  hundred  leagues  in 
this  countrey." 


I  )  *iJ  ■ 


1^ 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUTT8    DISCOURSE. 


213 


Page  100. 

"  /  had  not  so  aoone  set  furthe  this  to  our  comjHinie^  but 
niant/  of  them  offred  to  ta^t/  there.''^ 

"  And  I  have  li'fle  rinto  thetnfor  heade  avd  nder^foUv  jiffe 
therein  your  pleasure,  Cajntai'ie  Albert  de  la  IHerria^^  cOc. 

In  TIakluyt's  reprint  of  Uihault's  iiarr.itivo  in  liis  "Divers 
Voyaycs,"  tliere  ur(!  radical  errors,  no  tloiibt  originally  typo- 
graphical, in  each  of  tlieso  sentences.  In  the  first  Kent«'iice,  for' 
"oftred"  is  substituted  "  aflVaid  "  ;  and  in  the  second,  for  "  I 
havelefle  unto  them  forlieade  and  ruler,"  Is  the  stranjjje  reading, 
"liave  left  unto  llif  forehead  and  rulers."  These  are  on  the 
leaf  of  Slg.  (Jij,  of  the  original  edition  of  "Divers  Voyages." 
The  same  errors  exist  in  1  Jacket's  original  tract,  and  they  were 
faithfully  copied  by  Ilakluyt's  printer.  Having  the  French 
original  to  consult,  Ilakluyt  now  corrects  these  errors,  the  first 
of  which  was  sufficiently  obvious. 

Pages  102,  103. 
"  Published  and  printed  in  Enylishe  before  them." 

The  meaning  of  the  author  here  is  a  little  obscure. 

If  he  means  to  say  that  the  knowledge  of  tlie  discovery  of 
the  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence  was  published  and  printed  in  P^nglish, 
before  it  was  i)ublished  by  other  nations,  he  is  mistaken.  Ills 
language  is  that  of  reproach  to  England,  for  not  availing  herself 
of  her  early  information,  lie  is  speaking  of  what  had  been 
"  revealed  to  us  by  books,"  and  not  of  English  discoveries. 

Page  109. 

"  The  discoverie  .  .  .  made  in  the  northe  by  Sir  Kioholaa 
Zeny,  Knighte,  and  Mr.  Anthony,  his  brother,  in  the  yerc  1880." 

The  narrative  of  the  discoveries  of  the  Zeni  brf)thers  was 
first  published  by  Francesco  Slarcolini  at  Venice,  in  ISaH,  in  a 
small  volume,  in  12mo,  63  leaves.  A  copy  is  in  the  library  of 
Mrs.  John  Carter  Brown,  of  Providence,  R.I.,  having  the  rare 
original  map.  It  was  reprinted  in  the  third  edition  of  the 
second  volume  of  Ramusio's  collection,  published  also  at  Venice, 


214 


APPENDIX. 


in  1574;  and  this  is  the  volurric  Ilakluyt  refers  to  in  our  Dis- 
course. From  this  vohime  also  he  had  translated  the  narrative 
for  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  published  in  1582. 

These  voyages  of  the  Zeni  have  for  a  long  time  been  a  puzzle 
to  historians ;  and,  while  some  have  been  willing  to  admit  that 
there  might  be  a  basis  of  truth  in  the  narrative,  others  were 
quite  disposed  to  throw  the  whole  account  aside  as  a  fiction. 
And  the  minds  of  scholars  were  gradually  settling  down  into 
the  conviction  thaL  the  latter  alternative  must  finally  be  ac- 
cepted. Within  a  few  yeo/s,  however,  the  Ilakluyt  Society 
has  reprinted  tl  e  Zono  "arrative  in  a  new  translation,  edited, 
with  notes  and  an  introduction,  by  Richard  Henry  Major,  F.S.A., 
&e.,  London,  1874.  Adopting  the  suggestion  of  John  Rein- 
hold  Forstcr,  in  his  "  Hiptory  of  the  Voyages  and  Discoveries 
n)'ide  in  ihe  North,"  that  the  "Zichmni"  of  the  Zeno  story  is 
the  Venetian's  rendering  of  "  Sinclair,"  Mr.  Major  proceeds,  by 
the  aid  of  contemporary  history,  to  identify  the  most  important 
plaees  mentioned  in  the  narrative,  which  have  hitherto  been 
regarded  as  inexplicable.  He  also  removes  a  serious  objection 
by  showing  that  the  date  given  in  the  text,  1380,  should  be 
1390.  lie  concludes  his  learned  introduction,  to  which  wo 
gladly  refer  the  reader  for  a  complete  history  of  the  points  in- 
volved in  the  discussion,  with  the  f>^''o\ving:  "The  book  which 
has  been  declared  to  be  '  one  of  the  most  puzzling  in  the  whole 
circle  of  literature,'  will  henceforth  be  no  puzzle  at  all." 

A  resiim*',  of  Mr.  Major's  essay  may  be  seen  in  the  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  for  October,  1874, 
prepared  by  the  author  at  the  request  of  the  Hon.  Robert  C. 
Winthrop,  LL.D.,  tiie  President  of  the  Society.  A  heliotype 
facsimile  of  the  original  maj)  is  published  with  it. 


Pages  60,  113. 

^^  As  the  Secretary  of  D^...  Antonio,  Kinge  of  Portiugale, 
called  Custodio  Etan^  tolde  me  lately  at  J^aris." 

"  Do?i  Antonio,  Kinge  of  Portinyale,  shewed  me  in  Paris 
this  present  somer,  a  greate  olde  rounde  carde^''  ttc. 

Don  Antonio,  the  "  Prior  of  Crato,"  one  of  the  pretenders  to 
the  crown  of  Portugal  after  the  death  of  Henry,  in  1580,  was 


:  I? 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOUFISE. 


215 


chosen  king  by  the  people  of  that  kingdom,  but  was  soon 
driven  off  by  the  suporior  force  of  the  Spanish  power  under 
Philip  II.,  and  Portugal  became  a  j  rovince  of  Spain.  Don 
Antonio  took  refuge  in  Paris,  whi'.e  Hakluyt  often  saw  him. 
He  also  visited  England,  and  obtained,  some  aid  in  fitting  out 
a  fleet  against  Terceira ;  and  in  1589  ho  induced  the  Queen 
to  fit  out  a  naval  expedition  against  Philip,  with  a  view  to  his 
reinstatement  on  the  throiie  of  Portugal,  in  which  Drake  was 
one  of  the  commanders.  But  tlie  object  was  not  accomplished. 
The  career  of  this  illegitiiMi.le  son  of  one  of  the  royal  family  of 
Portugal  is  too  well  known  in  the  histo.y  of  chat  period  to  be 
dwelt  upon  here.  After  spending  fifteen  year?  ,n  tiie  vain  hope 
of  obtaining  effectual  assistance  in  his  cause,  he  died  miserably 
at  Paris,  in  1595.  M.  Ferdinand  Denis,  in  his  "History  of 
Portugal,"  p.  29;',  thus  speaks  of  his  parentage  :  — 

"  Le  prieur  de  Crato  etait  fils  de  I'infant  don  Luiz  (et  jiar 
consequent  petit-fils  d'Eminanuul)  ;  il  I'avait  eu  de  Violanto 
Gomes,  8urnomm6e  la  Pelicaua  —  dame  humble  par  la  nais- 
sance,  mais  d'une  rare  b'  into,  dit  Castro,  et  qui  mourut  professe 
dans  le  monast^ro  d'Almoster."  See  Froude's  England, 
Vol.  IX.,  passim;  "Fevue  des  Deux  Mondes,"  Jan.  1,  1866, 
Vol.  LXI.  p.  68. 

Whether  "  Custodio  Etan  "  was  intended  to  describe  an  oflice 
held  by  Don  Antonio's  Secretary,  or  was  a  pcsonal  name,  it  is 
not  clear 


Page  113. 

"  Don  Antonio  di  Castillo,  embassador  to  her  Majestie  from 
Henry  the  Kinge  of  Portingale,  tolde  me  h:rc  in  London,  the 
yere  before  his  departure,  that  one  Anus  Corteriall"  cGc. 

The  passage  liere  is  substantially  the  same  as  that  given  by 
Hakluyt  in  his  "Divers  Voyages,"  though  he  says  there  that  his 
informant  was  a  "  singularly  grave  and  experienced  man  of 
Portugal,"  without  giving  his  name.  Mr.  J.  Winter  Jones,  the 
editor  of  the  "Divers  Voyages,"  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  truly 
Bays  that  "  Hakluyt  was  a  man  of  easy  faith,  and  too  apt  to 
repeat  accounts  as  he  received  them,  without  stopping  to  verify 
or  correct  them " ;  and  he  exj)resses  a  regi'ct  that  he  had  not 


216 


APPENDIX. 


1'    'i 


^■' 


i 


given  his  authority  as  to  this  voyage  of  Anus  Cortereal.  The 
authority  is  now  suppHed,  and  would  certainly  seem  to  be  suffi- 
cient, if  Ilaklnyt's  report  can  be  relied  on.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  the  account  in  this  Discourse  and  that  in  the  "  Divers 
Voyages"  differ  by  one  degree  as  to  the  latitude  reached.  In 
the  latter  it  is  fifty-eight  degrees.  (See  Biddle's  Cabot,  p.  286.) 
Don  Antonio  is  described  above  as  ambassador  from  Henry, 
King  of  Portugal.  Henry  died  in  1.580,  when  Portugal  came 
under  the  yoke  of  Philip.  But  the  ambassador  was  still  in 
London  in  the  following  year,  when  Hakluyt  saw  and  con- 
versed with  him,  and  wrote  of  him  as  "by  office,  keeper  of 
the  records  and  monuments  of  their  discoveries,"  &c.  (III.  303.) 
In  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Dom.  Eliz.  Adden.  XXVII. 
74,  April,  1582,  is  a  letter  from  Antonio  di  Castillo  to  Walsing- 
ham,  in  which  he  says,  "  I  shall  leave  to-morrow  if  the  ship 
sails." 

Pages  113,  114. 

"  A  mif/htie  large  olde  rnappe  in  parchemetite,  made  as  yt 
shoxdde  seme  by  Verarsanus  .  .  .  nowe  in  the  custodie  of  Mr. 
Michael  Locked 

"  An  olde  excellent  globe  in  the  Queenes  prime  gallery  at 
Westminster,"  dbc. 

In  the  "  Epistle  Dedicatorie  "  to  Hakiuyt's  "  Divers  Voyages  " 
lie  speaks  of  this  map  as  having  been  given  to  King  Henry 
VIII.  by  Verrazzano.  In  this  Discourse,  the  map,  "  made,  as  yt 
shoulde  seme,  by  Verarsanus,"  is  more  particularly  described  as 
being  "  traced  all  alonge  the  coast  from  Florida  to  Cape  Briton 
with  many  Italian  names  " ;  and  the  globe,  also,  which  "  semeth 
to  be  of  Verarsanus  makinge,  having  the  coast  described  in 
Italian,"  &c. 

Hakluyt  probably  had  never  heard  the  voyage  of  Verraz- 
zano called  in  question.  In  the  chapter  in  which  the  map  and 
globe  are  mentioned,  he  is  pointing  out  the  probability  of  a 
"  north-west  passage  to  Cathaio  and  China  " ;  and,  among  his 
other  authorities,  he  cites  these  as  having  a  narrow  neck  of  land, 
in  latitude  40°  north,  delineated  upon  them,  dividing  the  two 
seas.  Of  course,  he  cites  them  on  the  authority  of  Ven-azzano, 
not  as  a  compiler  of  maps,  —  for  that  was  not  his  vocation, — buJ. 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


217 


as  a  discoverer.  The  authority  must  have  had  that  significance 
in  Iljvkhiyt's  mind.  And  Lok,  who  made  his  own  map  in  some 
of  its  features  from  "  Verarzanus  plat,"  to  accompany  and  ilhis- 
trate  the  letter  of  Verrazzano,  must  have  been  satisfied  that 
this  "  mightie  large  olde  raappe"  was  made  in  part  to  repre- 
sent that  navigator's  discoveries. 

But  what  may  have  been  authority  to  Hakluyt,  receiving  all 
the  documents  relating  to  Verrazzano  as  genuine,  may  not 
have  the  same  weight  with  us  in  discussing  a  question  of  fraud. 

If  this  map,  or  the  globe,  can  in  any  way  be  directly  con- 
nected with  Verrazzano  himself  before  his  death,  one  i)oint 
would  be  gained.  Following  this,  if  it  can  be  shown  that 
either  of  them  was  made  to  indicate  the  alleged  discoveries 
of  Verrazzano,  another  point  would  be  gained.  No  one  sup- 
poses, in  this  inquiry,  that  Verrazzano  himself  attempted  to 
impose  a  discovery  upon  the  world  which  he  never  made,  but 
that  the  idea  and  attempt  originated  with  another  after  his 
death.  Now  Ilakhiyt  says,  unqualifiedly,  that  the  map,  which 
in  1582  was  in  the  custody  of  Lok,  was  presented  by  Verraz- 
zano to  Henry  VIII.  What  evidence  the  map  bore  to  show 
this  we  do  not  know.  This  must  have  been  before  1527,  if 
Mr.  Murphy  is  right  as  to  the  year  of  the  navigator's  death. 
Now,  what  was  the  significance  of  this  gift  to  the  sovereign  of 
England?  Is  it  probable  that  such  a  map  would  have  been 
one  compiled  throughout  from  the  ordinary  sources  of  informa- 
tion already  published  to  tlie  world  ?  That  is  to  say,  would  not 
its  most  interesting  features  have  consisted  in  its  delineations 
of  some  new  discoveries?  If  tlie  map  was  not  made  on  the 
authority  of  Verrazzano,  who  else  could  have  made  it  before  the 
year  1526  or  1527?  Hakluyt  says  in  this  Discourse  —  and  the 
information  is  now  published  for  the  first  time  —  that  this  map, 
presented  to  the  king  by  Verrazzano,  was  "  traced  all  along  the 
coast  from  Florida  to  Cape  Briton  with  many  Italian  names," 
and  to  him  it  seemed  to  have  been  made  by  Verrazzano. 

If  Hakluyt,  therefore,  is  to  be  relied  on,  our  first  point 
would  seem  to  be  made  probable;  namely,  that  the  map  was 
not  only  given  by  Verrazzano  to  the  king,  but  that  it  was  a  map 
made  by  him,  or  on  his  authority.  Secondly,  that  the  map  was 
intended  as  a  memorial  of  Verrazzano's  visit  to  our  coast,  would 

28 


m 


218 


APPENDIX. 


-:! 


I  J 


I.  !'■] 


ri 

ii 
'"I 

I!    f. 


fH 


seem  to  be  made  probable,  if  not  historically  certain,  by  the 
recent  discovery  of  a  map  in  Rome,  made  by  Jerome  Vorraz- 
zano,  a  kinsman  of  the  navigator,  which  bears  these  indications 
upon  it;  which  map  appears  similar  to  the  one  Hakluyt  de- 
scribes. Indoed,  were  it  not  for  the  date  in  the  legend  on 
the  map  in  Rome,  indicating  that  it  was  compiled  in  1529, 
we  might  conjecture  that  it  was  the  identical  map.  Perhaps 
it  was  copied  from  Ilakluyt's  map.  When  a  more  particular 
description  of  the  map  in  Rome  is  published,  and  it  is  found  to 
contain  Italian  names  all  along  our  coast,  as  Hakluyt's  map 
did,  the  argument  will  be  strengthened. 

The  want  of  accuracy  in  the  Verrazzano  map,  in  describing 
our  whole  coast  line,  should  not  necessarily  militate  against  its 
genuineness,  nor  the  fact  that  Hakluyt  relied  upon  his  copy  as 
representing  discoveries  never  made  by  Verrazzano,  and  never 
intended  to  be  so  understood.  It  is  a  map  of  the  world,  and 
therefore  principally  compiled  from  foreign  sources.  It  could  only 
represent  Verrazzano's  discoveries  to  a  certain  extent,  on  our 
coast :  every  thing  else  would  be  from  other  authorities,  or  be 
laid  down  by  conjecture.  The  narrow  i3thmus  dividing  the 
two  seas,  which  Hakluyt  thought  of  so  much  importance,  may 
not  have  been  intended  to  represent  what  the  navigator  him- 
self saw.  The  latitude  of  the  coast  has  serious  errors,  hardly 
to  be  explained  ;  but  perhaps  that  isthmus  was  intended  to  be 
south  of  his  landfall.  In  the  map  of  Agnese,  1536,  this  isthmus 
is  laid  down,  and  a  pricked  line,  representing  the  route  of  "  el 
viages  de  France  "  to  "  Cataia  provintia,"  runs  through  it ;  and 
Dr.  Kohl  concludes  that  the  existence  of  such  an  isthmus  was 
at  this  time  the  prevailing  opinion  in  France  and  Italy.  Such 
may  have  been  the  opinion  when  this  map  was  made,  though 
the  representation  of  the  isthmus  and  the  voyages  was  a  fallacy. 

If  the  Carli  letter,  with  the  accompanying  documents,  is  a 
forgery,  no  connection  has  yet  been  traced  between  its  author 
and  the  author  of  the  map,  also  alleged  to  be  a  forgery.  It 
becomes  necessary  to  impugn  the  editorial  integrity  of  Ramusio, 
and  to  make  him  morally  a  party  to  the  conspiracy. 

Mr.  Murphy  has  set  up  an  alibi  for  Verrazzano,  which,  if  fully 
proved,  would  render  the  shedding  of  any  more  ink  on  this 
question  unnecessary.  He  truly  says  that  "  it  is  impossible  for 
Verrazzano  to  have  been  on  the  coast  of  North  America,  or  on 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUTT8   DISCOURSE. 


219 


his  return  from  Newfoundland  to  France,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  have  taken  a  ship  on  her  way  from  the  Indies  to  Portugal, 
coming  as  she  must  have  done  by  tlie  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope."  (Voyage  of  Verrazzano,  p.  1-45.)  The  story,  said  to  liave 
been  brought  by  a  courier  of  the  King  of  Portugal  to  Spain,  is 
told  by  Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter  from  Valladolid,  dated  3d  of 
August,  1524,  —  less  than  a  month  after  the  alleged  return  of 
Verrazzano  to  Die])pe  from  his  voyage  of  discovery.  No  date 
is  given  as  to  when  the  transaction  took  place,  nor  where  on 
the  ocean  the  vessel  was  taken.  The  identity  of  "  Florin,  the 
French  pirate  "  witli  Verrazzano  would  seem  to  be  well  estab- 
lished, but  the  story  may  have  been  a  mere  rumor  and  not  an 
official  report  of  a  well-known  fact.  If  such  an  act  of  piracy 
had  taken  place,  it  may  have  been  by  a  mere  suspicion  that 
Verrazzano  was  connected  with  it.  We  hear  nothing  further 
of  it.  Mr.  Murphy  is  quite  right  in  putting  in  this  piece  of 
evidence  as  a  make-Aveight  in  the  case  which  he  has  so  skilfully 
drawn  up.  If  the  act  alleged  could  have  been  established, 
nothing  else,  as  we  have  already  said,  need  have  been  written. 
Verrazzano  could  hardly  have  concluded  his  voyage  of  dis- 
covery with  an  episode  of  this  nature. 

Mr.  Murphy,  on  the  authority  of  the  late  Buckingham  Smith, 
has  shown  that  Ven-azzano,  under  the  name  of  Juan  Florin, 
was  executed  by  order  of  the  emperor,  near  Puerto  del  Pico,  in 
Spain,  13  Oct.  1527.  Of  course,  the  conjecture  of  Mr.  Bid- 
die,  that  this  navigator  accompanied  the  expedition  under  John 
Rut,  which  sailed  from  Plymouth  in  June  of  that  year  for  Norum- 
bega,  and  that  on  the  coasts  of  North  America  he  was  killed  by 
the  natives,  as  reported  also  by  Ramusio,  must  be  set  aside. 
Rut's  only  surviving  vessel  returned  home  in  October  of  the 
same  year.  (Biddle's  Cabot,  p.  272,  et  seq.  ;  Ilakluyt,  III.  129 ; 
Purchas,  III.  809.) 

Page  114 

"  Gerardus  Mercator  .  .  .  you  write  greate  matters  .  .  .  of 
the  neice  voyadge.^^ 

The  extract  from  the  letter  of  Mercator  to  his  son  was  also  pub- 
lished in  "  The  Epistle  Dedicatorie  "  to  the  "  Divers  Voyages," 
1582 •,  but  it  there  reads  "  nova  FfohWuri  navigatioue,"  the 
reference  being  to  the  new  discovery  of  Frobisher. 


ffl 


,  11  M 


!  1 


220  APPENDIX. 


Page  115. 
"  The  relation  of  David  Ingram  conf/rmeth  the  same."" 

David  Ingram,  of  Barking,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  was  a 
sailor  in  one  of  John  Hawkins's  slave  expeditions,  in  the  year 
1567  and  1568.  In  the  month  of  October,  1568,  being  on  the 
coast  of  Mexico  during  a  violent  storm  which  destroyed  some 
of  the  vessels,  he  and  one  hundred  and  thirteen  others  were  set 
on  shore  at  "about  five  leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Rio  de 
Minas."  A  jiart  of  the  company,  including  Myles  Phillips,  set 
out  toward  the  west,  some  of  them  reaching  Mexico.  Fifty- 
three  of  the  number,  including  Davitl  Ingram,  went  north.  If 
his  story  is  true,  he  must  have  travelled  the  whole  length  of 
what  is  now  the  United  States,  on  its  southern  and  eastern 
borders,  arriving  finally  at  the  head  of  a  river  called  Garinda, 
sixty  leagues  west  from  Cape  Breton,  where  he  and  his  only 
two  remaining  companions  embarked  in  a  French  ship  for 
New  Haven  in  France,  and  "  from  thence  they  were  transferred 
into  England,  Anno  Dom.  1569."  Ingram's  "  Relation  "  was 
published  by  Haklnyt  in  his  folio  of  1.589,  at  pp.  557-62.  To 
the  heading  there  given,  the  fo!!v;"lng  may  be  added  from  a 
manuscript  copy  of  the  "Relation"  in  the  British  Museum, 
Sloane  Manuscripts,  No.  1447,  fol.  1-18;  "w"""  he  reported 
vnto  S'  Frauncys  Walsinghiii,  Knight,  and  diners  others  of 
good  judgment  and  creditt,  iu  August  and  Septenibar,  A°  Dili, 
1582." 

Ingram's  narrative  is  here  cited  as  evidence  of  the  existence 
of  the  long-sought  passage  through  to  the  Pacific.  His  descrip- 
tion of  the  country  through  whicli  he  passed,  with  his  account 
of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  natives,  &c.,  has  all  the  air 
of  a  romance  or  fiction ;  and  it  is  somewhat  significant  that 
Ilakluyt,  who  is  rarely  critical  in  accepting  statements  of 
travellers,  omits  the  narrative  in  his  larger  work.  And  Pur- 
chas,  in  his  account  of  the  voyages  of  Hawkins,  Drake,  and 
others  to  divers  parts  of  America,  says  (IV.  1179),  "As  for 
David  Ingram's  perambulation  to  the  north  parts.  Master  Hak- 
luyt,  in  his  first  edition,  published  the  same  ;  but  it  seemeth  some 
incredibilities  of  his  re^jorts  caused  him  to  leaue  him  out  in  the 


w 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


221 


next  impression,  tlie  rewanl  of  lying  being  not  to  be  beleeued 
in  truths."  Ingram  was  examined  by  Walsiiigluim  and  others 
at  the  time  tlie  voyage  of  Sir  Iluinphrey  Gilbert,  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  1583,  was  in  preparation,  at  which  time  his  story  was 
reduced  to  writing.  He  may  have  traversed  the  country  from 
the  point  in  Mexico  where  he  was  put  on  shore  to  the  coast  of 
Maine,  in  which  case  he  and  his  companions  are  the  first 
Englishmen  of  whom  we  have  any  record  who  ])laced  their 
feet  on  the  soil  of  New  England ;  unless,  according  to  the  con- 
jecture of  Dr.  Kohl,  those  on  board  the  Mary  of  Guilford,  in 
Rut's  expe<lition,  in  1527,  are  entitled  to  that  honor.  For  his 
description  of  Avhat  he  saw  in  his  travels  he  must  have  drawn 
largely  on  his  imagination.  He  mentions  among  other  places 
"  Norumbega,"  but  affords  no  intelligible  information  as  to  its 
location. 

The  relation  of  Ingram  was  published  in  "  Documents  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  South  Carolina,  Edited  by  Plowden 
Charles  Gennett  Weston,  and  printed  for  private  distribution 
only,  London,  1856,"  from  the  manuscript  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum, the  editor  evidently  not  being  awaro  that  it  had  been 
previously  published  by  Ilakluyt. 


Pages  118,  119. 

"  3Tadoc7c  ap  Oicen  Guyneth  ,  .  .  the  booJce  sett  furthe  this 
yere  .  .  .  dedicated  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney P 

The  title  of  this  book  published  the  year  Hakluyt  wrote  this 
Discourse  is,  "  The  Historic  of  Cambria,  now  called  Wales :  a 
part  of  the  most  famous  Yland  of  Brytaine,  written  in  the 
Brytish  language  aboue  two  hundrdth  yeares  past.  Translated 
into  English  by  H.  Lhoyd,  Gentleman.  Corrected,  augmented, 
and  continued  out  of  records  and  best  approoued  authors  by 
Dauid  Powel,  Doctor  in  Diuinitie.   Cvm  Priuilegio,  1584."  4to. 

It  is  dedicated  "  To  the  Right  worshipfuU  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
Knight."  Hakluyt  made  a  slip  of  the  pen  when  he  wrote 
"  Henry  Sidney,"  who  was  the  father  of  Philip.  This  work 
was  originally  written  by  Caradoc  of  Lhancarvan,  in  the  Welsh 
language.     It  has  been  several  times  reprinted. 

The  story  of  the  voyage  of  "  IMadock,"  taken  out  of  this  book, 


'il'! 


iiii? 


1'  a 


I'- 
ll 

I' 
I 


222 


APPENDIX. 


was  published  in  Ilakluyt's  folio  of  1589,  p.  506,  and  in  his 
larger  work,  III.  1. 

Pages  119,  120. 

*'  The  historie  of  FercUnandus  Columbus  of  the  relation  of 
the  life  and  doinges  of  his  father ^^ 

Fernando  Columbus  was  the  second  son  of  the  Admiral.  His 
mother  was  Dona  Beatrix  Enriquez,  to  whom  it  is  generally 
supposed  his  father  was  never  married.  Becoming  a  man  of 
letters,  he  collected  at  Seville  a  library  of  more  than  twenty 
thousand  volumes,  in  print  and  in  manuscript.  He  wrote  a  Life 
of  the  Admiral,  Avhich,  notwithstanding  its  errors,  Irving  pro- 
nounces "  the  corner-stone  of  the  history  of  the  American  Con- 
tinent." This  work,  so  far  as  is  known,  was  never  published  in 
the  original  Spanish  in  which  it  was  composed,  but  Avas  trans- 
lated into  Italian  by  Alfonso  VIloa,  and  published  at  Venice  in 
1571,  thirty-two  years  after  the  death  of  the  author.  The  origi- 
nal manuscript  is  not  known  to  be  extant,  and  the  work  only 
exists  in  Spanish  in  the  form  of  a  retranslation  from  that  of 
Vlloa.  In  1872,  a  book  was  published  in  Paris,  under  the  title 
"  Fernand  Colomb,  sa  Vie,  ses  CEuvres.  Essai  Critique,  par  I'au- 
teurde  la  Bibliotheca  Americana  Vetustissima"  (Mr.  Ilarrisse), 
issued  in  Spanish  in  1871,  in  which  the  writer  contends  that 
Fernando  Columbus  was  not  the  author  of  this  Life  of  the  Ad- 
miral, that  it  was  not  originally  composed  in  Spanish,  but  in 
the  language  in  which  it  was  first  published.  This  book  was 
reviewed,  and  its  positions  controverted,  by  the  late  learned 
M.  D'Avezac,  in  the  "Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geographic  de 
Paris,"  October  and  November,  1873,  in  which  Bulletin  a 
rejoinder  subsequently  appeared  by  the  author  of  the  essay. 

This  Life  of  the  Admiral  was  translated  into  English,  and 
published  in  Churchill's  "  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels," 
London,  1704,  II.  559-688. 

Pages  122,  126,  128. 

"  A  very  greate  and  large  j)cirte,  as  well  of  the  continent  as 
of  the  ilatides,  was  firste  discovered  for  the  Kinge  of  England 
by  Sebastian  Gabote,  an  Englishe  man,  borne  in  Bristoll,  the 


i 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


223 


Sonne  of  John  Oabote,  a  Venesian,  in  the  i/ere  of  our  Lorde 
1496,"  Sfc. 

"  But  Oabote  made  his  greate  discoverie  in  the  yere  1496,  as 
he  testifieth  in  his  relation  above  mentioned.  And  the  day  of 
the  mo7ieth  is  also  added  in  his  owne  mappe,  which  is  yn  the 
Queenes  privie  gallorie  at  Westminster,  the  copye  whereof  was 
sett  oute  by  Mr,  Clemente  Adams,  and  is  in  many  marchantes 
hotcses  in  Ziondon. 

"  Yet  wee  of  England  are  the  firste  discoverers  of  the  con' 
tinent  above  a  yere  and  more  before  them,  to  witt,  1496,  or,  as 
Clement  Adayns  saieth,  1494,  in  the  chapiter  of  Oabotts  mapp 
De  terra  nova,"  &c. 


fi! 


Ilakluyt,  in  tliese  passages,  is  setting  forth  the  claim  of 
England  to  the  prior  discovery  of  the  continent  of  the  New 
World,  and  he  cites  the  earliest  dates  he  finds  recorded.  That 
of  1496  he  finds  in  the  conversation  reported  by  Ramiisio.  The 
manner  in  which  he  refers  to  the  date  on  a  coi)y  of  Adams's 
edition  of  Cal)ot's  map  shows  that  he  has  but  little  confidence  in 
that  date.  He  seems  to  throw  it  in  for  what  it  is  worth,  with- 
out analyzing  the  various  conflicting  authorities  before  him, 
including  those  previously  cited  in  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  pub- 
lished two  years  before,  and  more  largely  in  his  later  volumes; 
while  one  should  bear  in  mind  that  here,  and  in  all  his  later 
works,  he  never  speaks  of  but  one  voyage.  We  refrain  here 
from  pursuing  a  discussion  as  to  the  year  of  the  Cabots'  dis- 
covery, or  of  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  father  and  the 
son,  and  will  only  express  an  opinion  that  the  recent  publica- 
tion from  the  Venetian  and  Spanish  archives  has  settled  the 
question,  if  there  had  previously  been  any  doubt  upon  it,  that 
1497  is  the  true  date,  and  that  to  John  Cabot  is  due  the  honor 
of  the  discovery.  Considerable  discussion  has  also  appeared 
within  a  few  years  relative  to  a  map,  supposed  to  be  that  ot 
Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  Imperial  Library  in  Paris,  procured 
in  1844;  more  especially  since  the  publication  of  M.  Jomard's 
copy  of  it  in  his  "Monuments  de  la  Geographie."  (See  Pro- 
ceedings Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  April,  1867  ;  Dr.  Asher's  "  Henry 
Hudson  " ;  Dr.  Kohl  and  M.  D'Avezac,  in  Vol.  I.  "  Documen- 
tary History  of  Maine.")     In  Ilakluyt'a  folio  of  1589,  five  years 


!  'il 


224 


APPENDIX . 


|i 


i'1 


after  tliis  Disoonrse  was  written,  lio  cites,  nmong  the  antlioritiofl 
for  Ciibot's  voyage,  "An  extract  taken  out  of  the  nia|)|to  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  concerning  liis  dis- 
coverio  of  the  West  Indias,  which  is  to  be  scene  in  her  Majesties 
Priuie  Gallerie  at  Westminster,  and  in  many  other  auncient 
merchants  lionses."  Then  comes  the  well-known  "  extract " 
in  Latin,  followed  by  Ilakluyt's  English  version.  The  hea<ling 
is  a  little  equivocal  in  its  language ;  but  Ilakluyt  undoubtedly 
meant  to  say  that  the  map  in  the  Queen's  privy  gallery  was 
Clement  Adams's  map,  co|)ied  from  that  of  Cabot.  But,  in  the 
passage  above  cited  from  this  Discourse,  Ilakluyt  clearly  says 
that  Cabot's  "  owne  mappe  "  is  in  the  Queen's  privy  gallery,  and 
that  Adams's  copies  of  it  were  to  be  seen  in  many  merchants' 
houses.  But  this  must  be  ro;garded  as  another  instance  of 
Hakluyt's  loose  way  of  writing.  If  Cabot's  original  map  liad 
been,  in  Ilakluyt's  time,  hanging  in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall, 
he  certainly  would  have  consulted  it,  and  referred  to  it  here 
and  in  his  later  publications,  in  preference  to  a  copy.  Besidea, 
the  manner  in  which  he  refers,  on  page  128,  to  Adams's  copy, 
for  an  important  date,  shows  clearly  that  the  original  was  not 
accessible  to  liim. 

We  will  also  refer,  in  passing,  to  the  sad  work  wliich  Purchas 
makes  (III.  807),  in  describing  this  map  in  his  Majesty's  privy 
gallery,  which  "some  say,"  he  notes  in  the  margin,  "was  taken 
out  of  Sir  Seb.  Cabot's  map  by  Clem.  Adams  1549."  He 
speaks  of  it  as  "  the  great  map  in  his  Majesties  priuie  Gallerie, 
of  which  Sebastian  Cabot  is  often  therein  called  the  Author, 
and  his  picture  is  therein  drawne,  with  this  Title,  Effigies  Sebast. 
Caboti  A)igli,  Jilij  lo.  Ca.  Venetiani,  MiUtis  Aurati,  ct'c." 
And  in  Vol.  IV.  p.  1812,  in  discussing  the  year  of  Cabot's  dis- 
covery, he  says,  "  The  map  with  his  picture  in  the  Priuy 
Gallery  hath  1497."  Unless  we  ai'e  to  suppose  that  Clement 
Adams's  edition  of  Cabot's  map  had  Cabot's  picture  drawn  in  it, 
we  must  suppose  that  Purchas  has  here  confusedly,  or  from 
wrong  information,  described  the  map,  in  connection  with  a 
well-known  portrait  of  Cabot,  for  a  long  time  erroneously  sup- 
poced  to  have  been  painted  by  Holbein,  then  in  the  king's 
privy  gallery  at  Whitehall,  with  the  inscription  upon  it,  which 
he  has  given  in  an  abbreviated  form.  There  is,  however,  no 
date  of  the  year  of  the  discovery  on  the  picture ;  and,  if  Purchas 


thoritiea 

iait)>o  of 

liis  <li8- 

klajcatics 

iVUlU'H-'Ht 

extract  " 
headinc; 
oul)ttMlly 
lery  was 
lit,  in  tlio 
■arly  says 
llery,  and 
erchants' 
itaiico    of 
map  \\iv\ 
Vhitehall, 
,0  it  here 
Besides, 
ns's  copj:, 
il  was  not 

[i  Purchas 
y's  privy 
kvaa  taken 
9."      He 
GiiUerie, 
Author, 
cs  Sebast. 
ati,  tt'c." 
ibot's  dis- 
he  Priuy 
Clement 
awn  in  it, 
or  from 
with  a 
usly  sup- 
le  king's 
it,  which 
ever,  no 
Purchas 


W 


n 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


225 


had  over  examined  tlie  map,  ho  would  have  seen  that  the  year 
there  given  is  1494.  The  truth  is,  that  Purchas  (I H.  HOT)  is 
here  copying  out  of  the  third  vohime  of  Ilakhiyt's  larger  work; 
and  he  adopts  the  date  there  of  1497,  perhaps  without  know- 
ing that  tlie  folio  of  1589  gave  the  date  1494,  which  was  the 
date  on  tlie  map  cited  l»y  Ilakluyt. 

From  tiiis  Discourse,  at  i)age  128,  we  now  know  with  cer- 
tainty that  Adams's  copi/  of  Cabot's  map  bore  the  date  1494  on 
it,  agreeing  with  the  <lato  given  in  the  inscriittion  on  the  map 
in  the  Imperial  Library,  and  that  Ilakluyt  cojticd  it  correctly 
into  his  folio  of  1589.  Dr.  Asher,  in  his  "  Henry  Hudson,"  ])age 
Ixviii.,  unjustly  says  that  "Adams  deliberately  alters  tlie  date 
from  1494  to  1497."  Asher  had  never  consulted  Ilakhiyt's  folio 
of  1589,  and  liad  only  seen  his  later  work,  in  which  the  date 
is  altered  from  1494  to  1497.  As  Ilakluyt  gave  no  authority 
for  this  alteration,  made  in  IGOO,  M.  D'Avezac  thinks  this  latter 
date  a  typogra[)hical  error.  No  copy  of  Adams's  map  is  known 
to  be  in  existence,  neither  do  we  know  the  year  it  was  made. 
In  the  citation  from  the  margin  of  Purchas  (HI.  807),  quoted 
above,  the  date  "  1549  "  is  given  at  the  close.  Whether  this  is  in- 
tended to  refer  to  the  year  in  which  Adams's  copy  was  made, 
or  to  the  date  of  the  map  he  copied  from,  is  uncertain.  There 
are  supposed  to  have  been  at  least  two  editions  of  Cabot's 
original  map.  The  one  referred  to,  in  the  Imperial  Library, 
bears  date  1544  ;  that  is  to  say,  that  is  the  year  given  in  section 
xvii.  of  the  legends  on  it.  In  a  copy  seen  by  Chytrreus,  at 
Oxford,  and  from  which  he  has  copied  the  inscriptions,  in  his 
"  Variorvm  in  Evropa  Itinervm  Delioia),"  first  published  in 
1594,  the  date  1549  is  given  in  that  section. 

We  have  called  these  two  maps  Cabot's  "  original  maps " ; 
but  we  do  not  forget  that  Dr.  Kohl,  in  his  analysis  of  the  map 
in  Paris,  has  serious  doubts  of  its  being  made  by  Cabot  ("  Docu- 
mentary History  of  Maine,"  Vol.  L  pp.  358-371).  The  writer 
of  this  note  had  previously  expressed  his  doubts  as  to  the 
inscriptions  being  all  written  by  Cabot,  after  he  had  consulted 
the  Paris  map  in  18C6.  ("  Remarks  on  Sebastian  Cabot's  Mappe 
Monde,"  Cambridge,  1867.) 

There  is  yet  a  mystery  hanging  over  Clement  Adams's  edition 
of  Cabot's  map.     The  map  in  the  Imperial  Library  contains  on 

29 


226 


APPENDIX. 


li  i 


its  mnrgiiis  tlio  inscriptions,  or  legeiuh^  referred  to,  botli  in 
SpnniHli  and  in  Latin.  In  Ilakliiyt'H  ([uotatiun  from  Adams's 
coj)y  (which  corresponds  to  Section  VIII.,  of  the  map  in 
Paris),  to  which  he  appears  to  give  n  lieading  of  liis  own,  tlio 
Latin  legend  is  different  from  that  on  the  Paris  map  and  from 
that  described  hy  Chytncus.  Tlio  substance  is  nearly  the  same, 
but  the  variations  in  the  language  wouhl  indicate  perhaps  dif- 
ferent tr.'inslations  from  one  Spanish  original.  Did  Adams  tran- 
scribe from  still  another  cojty  of  Cabot's  map  yet  to  be  discov- 
ered, or  did  he  make  a  new  version  of  the  Latin  himself?  This 
latter  would  certaiidy  be  a  useless  and  an  unauthorized  proceed- 
ing. Clement  Adams  was  probably  not  living  at  the  time  Ilak- 
hiyt  was  writing  this  Discourse.  Eden  (Decades,  1555,  fol.  25G) 
speaks  of  him  as  "  that  lerned  young  man  .  .  .  scole  niayster 
to  the  Queencs  henshemen,"  and  as  having  "  written  largely 
and  faythfuUy  in  the  Laten  tonge  "  Richard  Chancellor's 
account  of  his  voyage  toward  Cathai ;  of  which  Ilakluyt  pub- 
lished a  translation  in  his  larger  work  (I.  243  et  seq.). 

Ilakluyt  here  speaks  of  Sebastian  Cabot  as  an  Englishman, 
born  in  Bristol.  The  evidence  of  this  has  seemed  to  be  sat- 
isfactory, on  the  authority  of  Cabot  himself,  as  furnisheil  by 
Eden  (Decades,  255)  in  a'well-known  marginal  note.  But  M. 
D'Avezac  has  shewn  conclusively  that  he  was  born  in  Venice. 
(See  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  Vol.  I.  p.  505.) 


Since  the  above  was  written,  some  years  ago,  there  has 
appeared  a  memoir  i>y  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Major,  a  high 
authority,  entitletl  "  The  True  Date  of  the  English  Discovery 
of  the  American  Continent  under  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot," 
communicated  to  the  Archicologia,  Vol.  XLIII.  i>p.  17-42, 1870. 
In  this  ])appr,  3Ir.  Major,  with  his  usual  .ability,  discusses  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Cabot  map,  and  the  different  views  of  Dr.  Kohl  and 
M.  D'Avezac  respecting  it,  in  Vol.  I.  of  "  Documentary  History 
of  Maine"  ;  and  the  conclusion  to  which  he  has  arrived  is,  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  originally  drew  a  map,  with  legends,  or  in- 
scriptions, upon  it,  in  Spanish  only,  and  that  the  date  of  the 
discovery,  1497,  was  there  expressed  in  Roman  capitals ;  that 
the  letter  V  in  the  numerals  VII.  was  carelessly  drawn,  and 
not  well  joined  at  the  base,  so  that  a  reader  might  well  take  it 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYTS   DISCOURSE. 


227 


a   high 
"[iseovery 

Cabot," 
[•2,  1870. 
j,ho  ques- 
[ohl  and 

History 

is,  that 
.,  or  iii- 
|e  of  the 
Is ;  that 
|tvn,  and 
take  it 


for  II;  that  this  might  moro  easily  occur  in  a  manusoriiit, 
CHpccially  on  |mrchment,  than  on  an  engravcil  map  cfii  papor ; 
that  tliis  manuHcript  map  of  Cahot  waH  C(»|)i('tl  ami  engraved 
by  others;  that  the  map  in  the  National  Library  in  Paris  was 
one  of  those  copies,  the  Latin  inscriptions  upon  it  being  added 
by  the  compiler  of  that  map,  some  of  which  had  no  Spanish 
originals  on  the  manuscript  nuip  of  Cabot;  and  that  the  copyist 
erred,  for  reasons  given  above,  in  inserting  the  year  of  discov- 
ery as  149-4,  in  Section  VIII.  of  the  inscriptions.  So  also  of  the 
copy  made  by  Clement  Adams  from  the  Spanish  original,  which 
Hakluyt  used.  He  made  an  independent  translation  of  the 
inscriptions  into  Latin,  which  accounts  for  the  two  Latin  ver- 
sions, and  also  made  the  same  error,  for  the  same  reason,  in 
giving  the  date  of  discovery  1494,  instead  of  1497.  We  will 
add  liere  that  some  hints  towards  the  same  explanation  offeretl 
above,  as  to  the  alleged  error  in  the  copies  taken  from  Cabot's 
map,  were  suggested  to  the  writer  jiersonally  by  his  frieiul,  Mr. 
Henry  Stevens,  some  years  ago,  antl  they  are  briefly  stated  by 
Mr.  Stevens  in  a  little  book,  entitled  "Sebastian  Cabot  —  John 
Cabot  .  .  .  Boston,  March,  1870,"  p.  13, 

As  evidence  that  the  Paris  map,  which  Dr.  Kohl  thinks  was 
made  in  Germany,  or  Belgium,  was  copied  from  a  Spanish 
manuscript  map,  Mr.  Major  cites  the  instance  of  the  name 
Laguna  de  Nicaragua  being  remlered  into  "Laguna  de  Nica- 
xagoe."  Instead  of  an  r  there  is  an  a;.  The  Spanish  manu- 
script r  being  in  the  form  of  our  northern  x,  the  transcriber 
showed  his  ignorance  by  substituting  the  one  letter  for  the 
other. 

Page  123. 

"  These  be  the  very  wordes  of  this  gent,  which  he  uttered  to 
certen  noblemen  of  Venice"  ct'c. 

This  translation  of  Ramusio's  report  of  the  conversation  at 
the  house  of  Fracastor,  in  Venice,  is  different  from  that  subse- 
quently inserted  by  Hakluyt  into  his  folio  of  1589,  at  pp. 
512-13,  which  was  taken  from  Eden,  fol.  255.  The  words  "  as 
far  as  I  remember,"  preceding  the  date  "  1496,"  in  this  latter 
version,  and  retained  by  Hakluyt,  furnished  one  of  tht  occasions 
for  Mr.  Biddle's  onslaught  on  our  author. 


2-28 


APPENDIX. 


li     ' 
\     < 

r 


i:  ! 


iilM 


!     . 

'     f 
I 

I 

I     I 


It  may  well  be  an  object  of  surjirise  that  so  much  importance 
should  have  been  attached  to  a  conversation,  coming  by  a  route 
BO  circuitous,  as  to  its  affording  any  definite  historical  data. 
Its  value  cannot  rise  much  above  that  of  tradition.  The  story 
comes  through  two  persons,  a  long  time  occurring  before  the 
first  repetition  of  it;  the  original  narrator  being  Sebastian 
Cabot.  It  is  difficult  to  see  on  what  authority  Eden,  whom 
TIakluyt  follows,  connects  Butrig.arius  with  this  conversation. 
Ramusio  does  not  mention  his  name.  He  reports  what  was 
said  a  few  years  before  at  the  house  of  Fracastor,  by  a  cer- 
tain learned  mnn,  not  named,  who  relates  an  interview  he  had 
formerly  had  with  Cabot. 

The  conversation  took  place  between  1518  (the  year  in 
which  the  work  of  Jacobus  Tevius,  mentioned  by  the  principal 
interlocutor,  was  issued)  and  its  publication  in  the  first  volume 
01  Ramusio.  That  volume  was  first  published  in  1550.  '\Ve 
have  never  seen  a  copy  of  it,  and  do  not  know  if  this  Discorso 
was  inserted  in  it.  But  it  certainly  was  printed  in  the  second 
edition  of  that  volume,  published  in  1554.  Eden  inserted 
an  English  translation  of  part  of  it,  in  his  "Decades,"  in 
the  folloAving  year.  Galeatius  Butrigarius,  of  Bo'ogna,  was 
the  Pojie's  legate  in  Sjiain,  m.ore  than  thirty-five  yea:-',  before 
this  conversation  ^ook  place.  Peter  Martyr,  in  beginning  his 
second  Decade,  addressed  to  i  ne  Leo,  written  in  1513  or  1514, 
speaks  of  having  met  Butrigarius  in  Spain,  and  being  much 
in  his  company. 

That  part  of  this  same  conversation,  on  pp.  115  and  116  of  our 
Discourse,  is  also  not  from  Eden's  version,  who,  by  the  way, 
has  omitted  a  large  part  of  the  "Discorso  sopra  li  Viaggi  delle 
Spetiere,"  in  Ramusio,  Vol.  I.  pp.  371-375. 


Page  125. 

^^  Ferdmandns  Cohanbus  .  .  .  which  was  with  his  father 
in  the  [^/nW]  voyage,''' 

Oviedo  m.ikes  this  statement,  as  Hakluyt  truly  asserts,  but 
Ferdinand  was  then  a  child,  only  ten  or  eleven  years  old,  and 
was  a  page  at  court.  lie,  however,  accompanied  his  father 
on  his  fourth  voyage,  in  1502,  when  he  was  fourteen  or  fifteen 
years  old. 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


229 


Page  127. 

"  Gomara.^' 

Tins  writer,  so  often  quoted  in  this  Discourse,  was  bora  at 
Seville  in  1510,  and  was  for  some  time  professor  of  Rhetoric  at 
Alcala.  He  resided  for  a  period  in  Italy,  and  eidareod  his 
knowledge  beyond  that  of  his  contemporaries  by  acquaintance 
with  distinguished  men  of  the  time.  On  the  return  of  Cortes 
to  Spain,  Gomara  became  his  Secretary,  and  on  his  patron'i 
death  continued  in  the  service  of  his  son.  At  this  time,  he 
wrote  his  Chronicle  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,  from  informa- 
tion largely  gathered  from  the  conqueror.  This  work  and 
his  General  History  of  the  Indies  were  published  in  1652-53, 
at  Saragossa.  They  have  been  often  reprinted,  and  have  been 
translated  into  Italian  and  French,  and  the  former  into  English. 
For  an  estimate  of  his  writings,  see  Prescott's  Histories  of 
Mexico  and  Peru  and  Ticknor's  Spanish  Literature.  The 
various  editions  of  the  two  Histories  are  enumerated  by  IJartlett, 
in  his  luxurious  catalogue  of  books  in  the  John  Carter  Brown 
Library,  so  rich  in  works  relating  to  North  and  South  America. 
See  also  Brunet. 


way, 
delle 


Page  127. 

^^  Franciscus  Lopez  de  Gomera,  in  the  4  chapiter  of  his 
seconde  booke  of  his  Generall  Ilistorie  of  the  Indies^''  t&c. 

The  passage  quoted  from  Gomara  is  in  Cap.  XXXIX.  of  the 
Spanish  original.  A  French  version  by  Fumee  had  been  pub- 
lished in  15G9,  and  in  this  the  matter  is  distributed  into  Books. 
Hakluyt  made  his  English  version  of  this  passage  from  that, 
and  it  is  the  same  which  he  subsequently  incorpoi-ated  into  his 
folio  of  1589,  at  page  514.  There  is  a  singular  rendering  of  one 
sentence,  in  which  he  says  that  Cabot  "  took  the  way  towards 
Island  [Iceland]  Irom  beyond  the  Ca})e  of  Labrador,"  itc.  Even 
the  French  version  does  not  authorize  such  a  translation.  The 
original  Spanish  reads,  "camino  la  buelta  de  Islandia  sobre 
cobo  del  Labrador,"  whir''  Eden,  with  whom  Hakluyt  was 
familiar,  render.^,  he  "directed  his  course  by  the  tracte  of  Is- 
lande  vj)pon  the  cape  of  Laborador,"  tfec.  (fol.  318;  Biddle's 


I    1 


230 


APPENDIX. 


Cabot,  pp.  20,  21 ;   La  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  ed.  of 
1554,  fol.  31.)     See  note  on  Fumee's  version,  pp.  236,  237. 

On  the  same  page  of  this  Discourse  is  a  citation  from  the 
same  author,  where  he  gives  the  erroneous  date  of  1497,  instead 
of  14i)8,  as  the  year  in  which  Columbus  sailed  on  his  third 
voyage. 

Page  128. 

"  The  discovery  of  John  Ponce  of  Leon.,  beinge  in  anno 
1512." 

Most  writers,  from  Hakluyt's  time  to  our  own  day,  have  given 
the  above-named  year  as  that  of  Ponce  de  Leon's  discovery  of 
Florida.  Tlie  true  date  is  1513.  The  error  probablj'^  occurred  by 
not  noting  the  variation  wliich  prevailed  in  the  mode  of  reckon- 
ing time.  This  navigator  sailed  from  Porto  Rico  3d  March,  and 
discovered  the  land  of  Florida  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  there  are  some  indications 
that  this  peninsula  was  seen  a  few  years  before  by  other  naviga- 
tors. On  Peter  Martyr's  map,  printed  at  Seville  in  1511,  "isla 
de  beimeni "  is  inscribed  on  land  situated  near  where  Florida 
should  be.  "  Bimina  "  is  a  name  which  one  or  more  small 
islands  of  the  Bahama  group  now  bears.  (Stevens's  Hist,  and 
Geogr.  notes,  p.  36,  and  Martyr's  map ;  Brevoort's  Verrazano 
the  Navigator,  p.  69;  Kohl,  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  I.  240). 

On  page  22  of  our  Discourse,  Hakluyt  speaks  of  the  voyage 
of  Gomez  to  our  coasts  as  taking  place  in  the  same  year  as  that 
of  Verrazzano,  1524.  Gomez  sailed  ip  February,  1  ."'-'5,  reckon- 
ing the  year  as  beginning  January  1. 


Page  137. 
"  In  the  space  of  ""^  and  xij  ycres." 

That  is,  "  in  the  space  of  4  times  20  and  12  years,"  or  92 
years  from  the  time  he  is  writing  (1584),  which  gives  the  date 
1492. 


NOTES   TO    HAKLUYTS   DISCOURSE. 


231 


Pagb   141. 

"  Which  division^  hoice  God  caicsed  to  be  deryded  by  the 
mouthe  of  a  poor,  simple  c/ttVcZe,"  cCc. 

The  incident  liere  related  from  Gomara,'  which  Hakhiyt  ren- 
ders from  the  French  of  Fumee,  and  whicli  Eden,  fol.  242,  trans- 
lates from  the  Spanish,  belongs  to  the  year  1524,  at  the  assembling 
of  the  Congress  of  ^adajos.  The  following  summary  of  the 
points  discussed  in  that  assembly,  by  the  learned  editor  of  the 
Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  the  "Divers  Voyages,"  is  laKen 
from  pp.  47,  48  of  that  work.  After  the  treaty  of  Tordissillas, 
vexed  questions  constantly  arose  between  the  two  powers, 
owing  in  part  to  later  discoveries,  and  to  the  alleged  impracti- 
cal)ility  of  settling  the  terras  of  that  agreement. 

"In  the  year  1524,  a  serious  effort  was  made  to  settle  these 
differences;  and  commissioners  from  both  crowns  met  at  the 
boundary  between  13;ulajoz  and  Yelves.  It  had  been  previously 
agreed  [by  the  treaty  of  Tordesillas,  1494]  that  the  Portu- 
guese should  be  allowed  the  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues, 
.  .  .  and  the  points  to  be  discussed  were  —  1.  Upon  what 
medium  the  line  of  demarcation  should  be  made,  whether  upon 
the  marine  chart  or  upon  the  s])herical  map;  2.  How  they 
should  fix  the  proper  situation  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands ;  and, 
3.  From  which  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  they  should  com- 
mence the  measurement  of  the  three  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues,  for  the  line  of  demarcation.  Difficulties  immediately 
arose.  There  was  found  to  be  a  difference  of  seventy  leagues 
between  the  situation  of  places  as  laid  down  in  the  ma])s  pro- 
duced by  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese.  Again,  the  Portu- 
guese wished  to  measure  the  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues 
from  La  Sal,  the  most  eastern  of  the  Cape  Verde  Islands;  the 
Spaniards,  from  San  Antonio,  the  most  western :  the  distance 
between  the  two  being  not  'ess  than  seventy  leagues.  The 
Portuguese  rejected  both  the  marine  charts  and  maps  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  endeavored  to  confine  the  inquiry  to  the  question 
of  actual  possession  of  the  Spice  Islands ;  the  Spanish  commis- 
sioners, on  the  other  hand,  insisted  upon  fixing  the  line  of  demar- 
cation, affirming  that  the  line  of  partition  for  the  three  hundred 


mm 


232 


APPENDIX. 


and  seventy  leagues  must  commence  at  the  Island  of  San  An- 
tonlo,  and  that  the  Mnluccas,  Sumatra,  Malacca,  tlie  Philii)i)ino 
Islands,  and  also  China,  fell  within  the  line  of  demarcation  for 
Castille,  by  many  degrees,  and  that  their  situation  was  not  in 
the  longitude  affirmed  by  the  Portuguese.  In  the  midst  of 
these  discussions,  the  term  for  which  the  commission  was 
appointed  expired,  and  the  commissioners  ultimately  came  to 
the  decision  that  they  could  decide  nothing ;  and,  not  knowing 
what  better  to  do,  left  the  matter  to  be  settled  by  their  re- 
sj)ective  sovereigns.  —  Ilerrera,  JUxtoria  cle  la  EHjmiia,  torn.  i. 
Descripcion,  p.  2,  Dec.  III.,  lib.  vi.  Cap.  3-8;  Navarrete,  Collec- 
cion,  torn.  iv.  p.  310  et  seq." 


i:  I 


Pages  138,  142. 

"  The  Bull  was  graunted  in  the  yere  1493,  the  iiif^  of  the 
moneth  of  MayP 

'•'■In  which  rejyetition  of  his  donadoti  the  seconde  time,^^  t&c. 

What  is  known  as  the  bull  of  "  concession  "  was  d.-.Led  the 
3d  of  May  ("quinto  nonas  Mali"),  1493,  and  the  bull  of  "par- 
tition," the  more  famous  one,  was  dated  the  following  day,  the 
4th  of  May  ("  quarto  nonas  Mail "  ).  On  tiie  differences  between 
these  two  papal  mandates  (including  also  a  notice  of  the  bull 
of  "  extension,"  of  the  25th  of  Se])tember  of  the  same  year),  see 
Humboldt's  "Examen.  crit."  III.  52-54;  also  "Cosmos,"  II. 
655-658,  ed.  Bolin.  Both  these  bulls  may  be  seen  in  "Na- 
varrete," II.  28-35.  That  of  the  4th  of  May  is  in  Gomara, 
"  La  Ilistoria,"  Cap.  XIX.,  and  also  in  Eden,  "  Decades,"  fol. 
167-70,  followed  by  an  English  version ;  and  a  more  exact 
rendering  may  be  seen  in  Si)Otorno's  "  Memorials  of  Colum- 
bus "  (English  ed.).  Doc.  xxxviii.  The  two  bulls  are  literally 
the  same  in  the  first  half;  after  which,  in  the  second  bull,  the 
divergence  begijis  where  the  line  of  demarcation  is  first  laid 
down.  Irving,  in  his  "Life  and  Voyages  of  Columbus,"  Chap. 
VIII.,  and  Jones,  in  his  edition  of  the  "Divers  Voyages"  (Ilak- 
luyt  Society),  p.  42,  refer  to  these  bulls  as  dated  the  2d  and  3d 
of  May.  The  dates  in  the  7iones  of  the  Roman  Calendar  are 
given  above.     There  were  really  two  bulls  of  "  concession  " 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYT8    DISCOURSE. 


233 


issued  on  the  3<1  of  May.  One  of  these,  much  more  brief  than 
tlie  oilier,  is  published  in  Raynaldus's  continu.ation  of  Baronius, 
IX.  1213,  214.     See  also  Spotorno,  as  above,  p.  Ixvii. 

The  bull  of  "concession"  ceded  "to  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
the  same  rights,  privileges,  and  indulgences,  in  respect  to  the 
newly  discovered  regions,  as  had  been  accorded  to  the  Portu- 
guese with  regard  to  their  African  disco\erie8,  under  the  same 
condition  of  planting  the  Catholic  faith."  But,  in  order  to 
guard  against  any  conflicting  claims  between  these  two  powers, 
the  bull  of  "partition,"  on  the  following  day,  was  issued,  "  con- 
taining the  famous  line  of  demarcation,  by  which  their  terri- 
tories were  thought  to  be  permanently  defined.  This  was  an 
ideal  line  drawn  from  the  north  to  the  south  pole,  one  hundred 
leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Azores  and  the  Cape  de  Verde 
Islands.  All  land  discovered  by  the  Spanish  navigators  to  the 
west  of  this  line,  .and  which  had  not  been  t.aken  possession  of 
by  any  Christian  power  befo:\,  the  preceding  Christmas,  was  to 
belong  to  the  Spanish  crown."  (Irving,  Book  V.  Chap.  VIII.) 
Portugal  is  not  mentioned  in  this  last  document,  but  a  reserva- 
tion in  her  favor  of  all  land  discovered  in  the  contrary  direction 
is  understood  to  be  implied  in  it. 

The  Portuguese  were  dissatisfied  with  this  division,  as  they 
did  not  think  it  equitable  to  be  obliged  "to  confine  their  navi- 
gation on  the  wide  ocean  to  such  narrow  bounds,  which  pre- 
vented their  shij)s  from  sailing  a  hundred  leagues  westward  of 
their  )iossessions."  (Munoz,  B.  IV.,  section  28.)  The  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  had  not  tlien  been  circumnavigated.  But  all  ajjpeals 
to  the  Pope  for  a  revision  of  his  partition  in  their  favor  were 
without  eifect.  Finally,  in  the  following  year,  on  the  7th  of 
June,  1494,  tl;e  famous  treaty  between  the  two  powers,  known 
as  the  "  Capitulation  of  Tordesillas,"  was  ratified.  Its  purpose 
was  to  secure  to  Portugal  all  that  might  be  discovered  within 
a  line  of  demarcation  to  be  drawn  from  the  north  to  the  south 
at  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  to  the  west  of  the  islands 
of  Cape  de  Verde.     (Ibid.) 

The  history  of  the  struggles  between  the  Spaniards  and  the 

Portuguese  relative  to  the  new  discoveries,  and  of  the  agreements 

and  negotiations  respecting  the  same,  since  the  establishment 

of  the  line  of  demarcation  by  the  Po])e,  shows  how  little  regard 

30 


•234 


APPENDIX. 


was  paid  to  the  authority  by  which  that  line  was  drawn.  Of 
course  any  "  concessions  "  from  that  source  would  be  accepted 
by  the  party  in  whose  favor  they  were  made  for  what  they 
were  worth.  Its  moral  support  was  somethiii!;;.  But  we  have 
seen  tnat  the  Portuguese  early  rebelled  against  the  original 
partition,  and  it  was  set  aside  by  the  treaty  of  Tordesillas. 
In  process  of  time,  it  became  evident  that  the  sole  reliance  of 
the  powers  must  be  in  their  own  skill  in  maritime  art,  and  in 
their  ability  to  maintain  their  rights  by  force,  or  by  successful 
negotiation.  When  the  Spanish  sovereigns  first  sought  the 
sanction  of  the  Pope  to  their  claims,  they  intimated  to  him  that 
they  had  been  advised  by  learned  men  that  their  title  to  the 
newly  discovered  lands  did  not  require  his  sanction,  but,  as 
pious  princes  and  loyal  subjects  of  the  papal  power,  tlioy  asked 
for  the  concession.  Thus  early  we  see  the  forcsliadowing  of  a 
theory  which  finally  became  incorporated  into  the  law  of 
nations,  viz.,  "  that  discovery  (of  heathen  countries,  or  of  unoc- 
cupied lands)  gave  title  to  the  government  by  whose  subjects 
or  by  whose  authority  it  was  made,  against  all  other  European 
governments,  which  title  might  be  consummated  by  possession." 
(Chief  Justice  Marshall,  in  Johnson  and  Graham  v.  Mcintosh.) 

The  other  great  powers  of  Europe,  including  France,  which 
had  little  respect  for  the  Pope's  donation,  and  England,  which 
derided  it,  becoming  interested  in  Western  discoveries,  it  be- 
came necessary,  to  prevent  collision,  to  establish  some  rule  of 
general  recognition.  "  The  King  of  France  sent  word  to  our 
great  emperor,"  writes  Bernal  Diaz,  in  relating  the  incidents  of 
the  capture  of  some  Spanish  treasure-shijis  by  Juan  Florin,  the 
French  corsair,  "  that  as  he  and  the  King  of  Portugal  had 
divided  the  world  between  themselves,  without  oifering  hira 
any  part  of  it,  he  should  like  them  to  show  him  our  father 
Adam's  will,  that  he  might  convince  himself  whether  he  had 
really  constituted  them  the  sole  heirs  of  these  countries.  As 
long  as  they  refused  to  comply  with  this,  he  would  consider 
himself  justified  to  possess  himself  of  every  thing  he  could  on 
the  high  seas."  Ilistoria  Verdadera,  1632,  fol.  161,  and  Lock- 
hart's  tr.  II.  135. 

After  it  had  become  known  that  the  new  lands  were  not  the 
eastern  coast  of  Asia,  and  did  not  consist  wholly  of  islands, 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


235 


it  be- 
rule  of 
to  our 
ents  of 
ill,  the 
al  had 
iig  hi  in 

filth  er 

ic  had 
los.  As 
onsider 
ould  on 

Lock- 
not  the 
islands, 


but  were  substantially  a  large  unbroken  continent,  questions 
would  naturally  arise  as  to  how  much  of  this  great  territory 
one  power  could  lay  claim  to  by  the  landing  of  a  few  of  its 
Bailors  upon  the  coast,  and  setting  up  there  the  arms  of  the 
sovereign. 

This  became  a  practical  question,  that  had  finally  to  be  settled 
by  the  common  sense  of  the  civilized  world ;  and,  though  the 
strongest  power  usually  gave  the  law  for  the  time  in  all  ques- 
tions involving  international  claims,  the  parties  interested  were 
so  numerous  that  it  became  essential  that  all  should  unite  on 
some  equitable  principle  of  agreement.  It  was  regarded  as 
preposterous  that  the  mere  discovery  of  a  small  part  of  a  great 
continent  should  give  a  claim  to  the  whole ;  and  it  also  seemed 
unreasonable  that  a  mere  discovery  should  constitute  a  claim, 
with  no  intention  of  taking  possession,  for  colonization  or  settle- 
ment. Spain  continued  for  many  years  the  leading  power  in 
Europe,  and  her  claims  were  unbounded.  Those  which  were 
based  on  discovery  and  settlement  were  unquestionable.  Be- 
sides her  settlements  in  the  West  India  islands,  she  established 
colonics  on  the  north  and  west  coasts  of  South  America,  and  on 
the  coast  of  lower  California.  In  1577,  Sir  Francis  Drake  sailed 
on  his  voyage  round  the  world.  He  entered  the  PaciKc  through 
the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and,  following  the  coast  to  the  north, 
pillaged  the  Spanish  ships  moored  in  the  harbors  along  the 
shore.  Fearing  to  return  the  way  he  came,  with  his  large 
treasure,  he  still  went  north,  in  hopes  of  finding  a  j)assage 
through  to  the  Atlantic  corresponding  to  that  by  which  he  came, 
in  which  he  was  disappointed.  Entering  a  harbor  in  latitude  38°, 
or  38°  30'  N.,  be  there  took  possession  of  the  coast  in  the  name  of 
her  Majesty,  and  called  it  "New  Albion."  He  returned  home 
by  way  of  the  Pacific,  and  completed  the  circumnavigation  of 
the  globe.  Arriving  in  England  in  1580,  the  Spanish  minister 
protested  against  the  conduct  of  Drake.  The  two  countries 
were  then  at  peace.  He  demanded  that  the  ill-gotten  treasure 
should  be  restored,  and  contended,  likewise,  that  the  English 
were  infringing  the  Spanish  claim  by  sailing  in  those  seas. 

The  English  government,  in  their  answer  to  the  latter  claim, 
made  this  important  declaration,  namely,  that  they  could  not 
acknowledge  the  Spanish  right  to  all  that  country,  either  by 


236 


APPENDIX. 


H 


;! 
If 


donation  from  the  Pope,  or  from  their  having  touched  here  and 
there  upon  those  coasts,  built  cottages,  and  given  names  to  a  ihw 
places;  that  this,  by  the  Law  of  Nations,  could  not  hinder 
other  princes  from  freely  navigating  tliose  seas,  and  transports 
ing  colonies  to  those  parts  where  the  Spaniards  do  not  inhabit ; 
that  prescription  without  possession  availed  nothing.  (Cam- 
den's History  of  Elizabeth,  English  translation,  1G88,  p.  255 ; 
Purchas,  IV.  1180,  1181.) 

We  here  see  the  principle  contended  for  by  England,  who 
was  soon  to  enter  upon  her  career  of  colonization  in  the  new 
world.  This  was  four  years  before  Hakluyt  penned  this  Dis- 
course, in  which  he  is  urging  the  government  to  take  possession 
of  the  unoccupied  wastes,  and  colonize.  And  the  same  plea  he 
had  made  two  years  before,  in  the  dedication  of  his  "  Divers 
Voyages." 

Page  139. 

"  But  moved  onely  by  his  mere  and  francke  Uberaltle^  and 
for  certeine  secrete  causes"  cfcc. 

We  have  not  been  able  to  find  in  the  Pope's  bull,  either  in 
that  of  concession  or  of  partition,  any  language  or  phrase  of 
which  this  last  clause  cited  is  an  equivalent ;  nothing  like  the 
act  being  inspired  by  "  secret  causes."  The  language  of  the 
oi'iginal  in  both  these  instruments  is,  "  Sed  de  nostra  mera 
liberalitate,  et  ex  certa  scientia,"  &c. ;  literally,  "  but  of  our 
own  mere  liberality  and  certain  science,"  or  knowledge.  The 
same  or  similar  language  is  generally  used  by  sovereigns  in 
making  grants  to  their  subjects,  and  appears  in  nearly  all  our 
royal  charters  for  settlements  in  North  America.  In  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert's  Patent  of  1578,  the  Queen  proceeds,  "  Know  ye 
that  of  our  special  grace,  certain  science  and  meer  motion,  we 
have  given  and  granted,"  &c.  (Navarrete,  II.  25,  32 ;  Hakluyt, 
III.  135.) 

But  Hakluyt  evidently  had  before  him,  when  he  wrote  this 
chapter,  the  imperfect  French  transl.ation  of  Gomara's  General 
History,  by  Fum6e,  in  which  the  bull  of  partition  is  given,  who 
thus  renders  this  passage :  "  mais  suelement  esmeuz  par  nostra 
pure,  et  fniclie  liberalite,  Qt  pour  quelques  secrettes  causes^''  «&c., 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYTS    DISCOURSE. 


237 


of  whicli  Ilakluyt  gives  the  English  version  at  tlie  head  of  this 
note.  If  lie  had  consulted  the  Spanish  Gomara,  or  Richard 
Eden's  Decades,  who  both  give  the  bull  in  Latin,  and  the  latter 
an  English  version  of  it,  he  would  have  been  spared  the  writing 
of  a  number  of  pages  of  this  chapter.  In  the  Italian  translation 
of  Goniani's  General  History,  awkwardly  puhlislied  as  the  sec- 
ond part  of  Cieza,  by  Giordan  Ziletti,  in  Venice,  in  15G5,  this 
particular  passage  reads  correctly  thus:  "ma  di  nostra  libera- 
litii,  et  per  certa  soientia,"  &c.  (Fumee,  as  above,  ed.  1606,  fols. 
27,  28 :  Ziletti's  Gomara,  as  above,  fol.  28.) 

Fumc'c's  translation  was  first  published  in  1569,  issued  by 
two  publishers,  under  different  title-pages.  A  fifth  edition  of  it 
appeared  in  1584,  in  the  preface  to  which  the  translator  says 
that  the  first  edition  of  the  work  was  so  hastily  or  badly  exe- 
cuted that  he  thought  it  would  have  fallen  still-born  from  the 
press ;  but,  having  learned  to  his  surprise  that  it  had  reached 
the  fourth  edition,  he  took  pity  upon  it  and  corrected  it  as  far 
as  in  his  power.  On  the  title-page  of  the  fifth  edition  is  added  : 
"  Augmentee  en  ceste  cincpiiesme  edition  de  la  description  de  la 
nouuelle  Espagne,  et  de  la  grande  ville  de  Mcxicque,  autrement 
nommee  Tenuctilan."  Accordingly  we  find,  included  in  the 
"Livre  Second,"  and  forming  the  larger  part  of  that  book,  a 
resume  of  Gomara's  "  Historia  de  Mexico,"  or  Life  of  Cortes, 
enlarging  this  fifth  edition  by  more  than  one  quarter.  The 
work  of  Fumee,  in  all  the  editions,  is  a  wretched  affair. 


Page  144. 

"  Which  moste  injuste  and  wrongfull  dealinge  of  the  Pope 
was  notably  confuted  by  Atab<dipa"  etc. 

The  orthography  here  given  of  the  name  of  "  the  last  of 
the  Incas "  is  that  of  the  French  and  Italian  versions  of 
Gomara.  Gomara  spells  it  "  Atabaliba  "  ;  and  it  is  so  spelled 
by  Benzoni.  This  last  author  is  cited  in  this  Discourse,  pp.  61 
and  146,  as  "  Peter  Benzo  of  Milan."  The  story  here  told  of 
the  interview  between  Atahuallipa  and  Fray  Vincent,  and  the 
capture  of  the  former  by  the  Spaniards,  is  probably  taken  from 
Gomara,  who  gives  a  full  narrative  of  these  events.  A  similar 
account  is  in  Benzoni's  "  La  Ilistoria  del  Mondo  Nvovo,"  pub- 


238 


APPENDIX. 


liHlit'd  in  1505,  who  also  may  have  copied  it  from  that  autlior. 
(See  the  Tlalihiyt  Society's  edition  of  this  last-named  work, 
pp.  182,  183,  253.)  The  admirable  history  of  the  Conquest  of 
Peru  by  our  countryman,  Mr.  I'reseott,  leaves  nothing  further 
to  be  desired  as  to  a  eomjilete  narrative  of  that  event,  illustrated 
08  it  is  by  hitherto  unpublished  manuscripts. 


I!  f 


Page  148. 

"  "Wherefore  did  he  not  openly  rebul'e  the  Kinge  of  Deti- 
marke  for  svffringe  his  auhjecte,  John  Scolno,  a  Dane,  in  the 
yere  1500  to  aeke  the  Straighte  by  the  northweste,  of  whorne 
Gemma  Frisius,  and  Jlieronymo  Girava,  a  /Spaniarde,  make 
mention  f  " 

Hakluyt  errs  here  in  giving  1500  as  the  year  of  the  alleged 
voyage  of  John  Scolnus,  or,  more  correctly,  John  of  Kolno,  a 
Pole,  in  the  service  of  the  King  of  Denmark.  He  evidently 
took  the  account  of  the  voyage  from  Gomara  (Historia,  Cap. 
XXXVII.),  where  the  author  gives  no  date.  But  he  had 
just  previously  been  speaking  of  the  voyage  of  Gasper  Cor- 
terial,  in  the  year  1500,  and  Hakluyt  inferred  that  the  same 
date  was  intended  for  the  voyage  of  Scolnus.  Gomara  says, 
"  Tambien  han  y  do  alia  hombres  de  Noruega  conel  Piloto 
Juan  Scoluo."  But  Hakluyt  says  that  mention  is  made  of 
this  voyage  by  Gemma  Frisius  and  by  Hieronimo  Girava. 
The  Cosmogriiphia  of  the  latter  was  jniblished  at  Milan,  in 
1556.  The  former  wrote  "  De  Principiis  Astronomia)  &  Cos- 
mographiae,  de  usi  Globi,"  &c.,  published  at  Antwerp,  in  1530. 
There  was  an  edition  of  his  cosmography,  «fcc.,  in  French, 
published  at  Paris,  in  1556.  Gemma  Frisius  (Iteinerus)  was  a 
pupil  of  Apianus,  and  edited  his  writings.  (See  "Divers  Voy- 
ages," Hak.  Soc,  xlv. ;  Brunet ;  Catal.  Lib.  J.  C.  Brown ; 
Harrisse's  Bibl.  Amer.)  Dr.  Kohl  says  that  Gomara  is  the  first 
to  briefly  mention  this  adventure  of  Scolnus,  but  that  Wytfliet, 
1597,  describes  the  voyage  more  fully,  giving  the  year  1476, 
and  saying  that  he  sailed  beyond  Norway,  Frisland,  and  Green- 
land, entered  the  Arctic  Strait,  and  came  to  Labrador  and 
Estotiland  ;  yet  for  all  this  he  gives  no  authority.  (Doc.  Hist. 
State  of  Maine,  Vol.  I.  p.  114.) 


NOTES    TO    HAKLUYT  S    DISCOURSE. 


239 


Paoe  159. 
«  Tfie  Symerona:* 

The  writer  of  the  nccount  of  Dr.iko'n  voyage  to  "Nomhrc  de 
Dio8,"  in  1572,  described  the  Synierons  as  "  a  blacke  j)eoi)le, 
which,  about  eightio  yeeres  past,  fled  from  the  SpaiiianlH,  their 
masters,  by  reason  of  their  cnieltie,  and  are  since  growne  to  an 
nation,  vnder  two  kings  of  their  owne :  tlie  one  inliabiteth  to 
tl»e  West,  th'other  to  the  East  of  the  way  from  Noinbre  de  Dios 
to  Panama,  which  liad  nere  surprised  it  about  sixe  weekes 
before  "  their  arrival.  (Sir  Francis  Drake  Keuiued,  p.  7.)  They 
probably  corresponded  to  the  "Maroons"  of  the  West  India 
Islands.  Drake  made  friends  with  these  ])e()j»le  for  the  pur- 
pose of  employing  them  against  the  Sjianiards  in  that  ueigh- 
borhood. 


[The  following  note  was  acciilentiilly  omitted  to  be  inserted  in  its  place, 
at  piij^e  211.] 

Pages  10,  77-80. 

"  The  like  may  be  saied  of  the  tSpaniardes,  whoe  (as  yt  is  in 
the  pre/ace  of  the  last  edition  of  Osorius  de  rebus  gestia 
Emanuclis)  have  established  in  the  West  Indies  thrt^e  arche- 
bisshojtricks"  t&c. 

The  last  edition  of  this  work  which  had  been  published  at 
the  time  Ilakluyt  is  here  writing  is  probably  that  of  1576,  at 
Cologne.  The  writer,  llieronynius  Osorius,  was  a  celebrated 
Portuguese  bishop,  born  in  15U6,  and  died  in  1580.  From  the 
purity  which  he  attained  in  his  various  Latin  compositions,  he 
was  called  the  Cicero  of  Portugal.  A  Latin  Essay  of  his,  on 
Glory,  was  written  so  much  after  the  style  of  that  author, 
"that  some  haue  not  scrupled  to  assert  that  the  treatise  itself  is 
the  lost  work  of  Cicero."  His  best-known  work  is  the  one 
referred  to  by  Kakluyt,  "  The  History  of  Portugal,"  of  which 
an  English  translation  by  James  Gibbs  was  published  in  1752, 
but  without  the  preface.  (See  Brunet's  "  Manual " ;  Retrospec- 
tive Rev.,  I.  322.) 


240 


APPENDIX. 


The  pns«np;c  roflrrotl  to  by  TTnkluyt,  in  the  preface  to  Osorins, 
written  }»y  Joliannes  Mctellus  SccmanuH,  is  <;iv('n  on  pp.  77-80 
of  this  Discourse,  and  ii  translation  of  tlie  same  here  follows :  — 

"  To  mako  clear  onco  for  all  the  cause  pf  the  fre<jnent  at- 
tempts at  revolution,  and  the  seditions  so  pertinaciously 
excited  by  the  Indians  aj^ainst  the  Spaniards;  to  show  the 
reason  of  tlie  two  threat  heads  of  the  Christian  State  in  approv- 
ing in  the  most  solemn  manner  of  the  freedonx  of  the  Indian 
nation,  notwithstanding  the  murmurH  of  many  and  the  un- 
doubted dislike  of  tlie  Spanish  soldiery,  I  will  describe  in  few 
words  the  cruelty  of  these  new  masters  towards  the  miseiablo 
)»eople,  their  insatiable  avarice,  and  tlio  grave  tumult  arising 
from  these  causes,  whereby  the  devastation  of  almost  all  the 
new  Avorld,  a  thing  never  to  be  sufficiently  deplored,  was 
brought  about. 

"  In  the  first  place,  it  was  the  custom,  from  a  very  bad 
example  forsooth,  of  most  of  the  Spanish  soldiers,  as  is  proved 
by  eye-witnesses  and  others  worthy  of  credit,  to  punish  their 
slaves  in  the  severest  manner  if  they  did  not  bring  in  their 
daily  wages,  or  perform  the  daily  task  in  digging  gold  or  silver, 
or  if  they  were  guilty  of  any  lesser  fault.  Wlien  they  returned 
in  the  evening,  instead  of  their  supper,  they  were  first  stripped 
of  their  garments,  then  bound  hand  and  foot  on  crossed  poles, 
and  beaten  most  direly  with  lash  or  buflfalo  thongs.  Then  they 
were  sprinkled,  drop  by  drop,  with  pitch  or  boiling  oil;  their 
bodies  afterwards  washed  in  salt  water,  and  left  on  their  rack 
as  long  as  it  was  thought  possible  they  could  bear  their  pain. 
This  method  of  punishing  is  said  to  have  been  familiar  to  their 
masters,  even  in  the  case  of  Christian  slaves  at  home.  After  a 
torture  of  this  kind,  if  the  master  happened  to  be  a  harsh  one, 
they  were  lefl  buried  alive  up  to  the  neck  for  the  whole- night, 
the  master  assei'ting  in  jest  that  tliis  was  the  best  medicine  for 
their  wounds.  If  any  died  of  the  suffering,  which  happened 
not  rarely,  the  master  was  freed  from  the  i)enalty  of  liomicide 
by  furnishing  the  king  with  a  slave  in  the  place  of  each  one 
killed.  This  cruelty  is  by  some  excused  by  what  they  call  the 
law  of  Baiona.*     But  it  seems  justly  impious  as  devoid  of  all 


•  "  The  law  of  Baiona."     "  This  alludes,"  says  the  translator  of  Benzoni 
for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  p.  94,  "  to  the  plausible  but  unjust  and  inhuman 


NOTES    TO    HAKI.UYT8    DISCOURSE. 


241 


cliarity.  Wlioroforo  it  liiis  been  riglitly  called  diabolical  by  the 
IiiilianH.  Some  persons  have  been  indncerl  to  show  this  cnielty 
towards  the  poor  Indian  by  a  certain  inborn  natural  harshness, 
fell  by  many  wars,  but  avarice  has  been  with  most  the  cause  of  it. 
Hence  from  the  very  discovery  of  the  new  world,  the  Spanish 
soldiers  be<;;an  to  hunt  men,  as  birds  or  wild  <;;anie.  Thosi- 
natives  captired  in  war,  they  either  cast  into  slavery,  or  ol)- 
tainud  hirjj;e  sums  of  money  by  selling,  or  sent  them  out  to  daily 
labor,  the  pay  for  which  was  exacted  in  the  most  importune 
manner.  There  were  those  who  soM  their  slaves  to  tiie  mines, 
in  wliich  many  myriads,  broken  down  by  the  unusual  lal)or, 
perished.  Others  exchanged  their  slaves  for  merchandise,  or 
disposeil  of  them  in  other  ways.  And  some  did  these  things 
so  mercik'ssly  and  avariciously,  that  altogether  forgetting 
Christ i;in  humanity,  they  transported  in  ships  to  the  neigiibor- 
ing  islands  people  of  both  sexes,  without  regard  to  age  or 
health,  snatched  from  the  continent.  Not  a  few  of  them,  nn- 
accustomed  to  the  sea,  confined  in  the  holds  of  the  vessels, 
jierished  cruelly  from  hunger,  lilth,  and  sipialor.  Nay!  how 
many  women,  pregnant  by  the  Spanish,  have  been  sold  into 
slavery  with  their  innocent  jtrogeny." 

The  following  ia  the  concluding  j^assage  from  this  author,  on 
page  80 :  — 

"  And  by  these  means  some  of  the  soldiers  have  attained  to 
great  estate;  some  obtained  great  dignity  at  home  a'ld  abroail ; 
some  so  increased  their  Hocks  at  the  expense  of  many  others, 
that  there  have  been  found  those  who  j)ossessed  eight  tliousand 
head.  This  so  manifest  injustice  and  tyranny  of  our  men  could 
not  exist  without  giving  rise  at  once  to  great  commotions  and 
■wars ;  at  times  among  themselves,  and  often  undertaken  by  the 
natives  atrainst  them." 


ii 


code,  promulgated  at  Burgos,  in  1512,  by  which  the  emplovnient  of  In- 
dians in  tlie  mines  was  insisted  upon."  Purchas  says  the  hiw  was  devised 
"by  some  cruel  divell." 

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INDEX. 


''.•A 


The  Index  to  this  volume  was  made  by  my  "f liend  Mr.  George 
Dexteh,  of  Cambridge  ;  and  I  wish  to  add,  that,  to  his  excellent 
taste,  judgment,  and  scholarship,  I  have  been  often  indebted  while 
the  volume  was  preparing  for  the  press. 

C.  D. 


INDEX. 


A. 

Adams,  Clement,  his  copy  of  Cabot's 

map,  120,  128,  22;)-227. 
Apit'su,  Battista,  map  of,  218. 
Ahnmada,  IVdro,  18;]. 
Al(U;ron(le,  Sainte,  see  "  Marnix." 
Aidvvortli,  Thomas,  xxxviii  n. 
Aldwortli  family,  tlie,  xxxviii  n. 
Alexander  the  Great,  m. 
Alexander  VI.,  J'ope,  118,  13.5,  149, 
183  ;  Ilakluy  t's  answer  to  tlie  Bull 
of,r29-151 ;  notes  on  the  Bulls  of, 
relating  to  America,  2;J2-230. 
Almagre,  Don  Diego  de,  145. 
Alva,  Fernando  Alvarez,  Ihde  of,  lix. 
Amadas,  Vapt.  Pliilip,  173,  lys. 
•  America,  names  of  towns  in,  belong- 
ing to  Spain,  (J4-07. 
American      Antiquarian      Society, 
"  Proceedings  "  of  the,  cited,  22;}. 
"American  Quarterly   Church   Re- 
view," 182. 
Anderson,  James,  his  "  Royal  Gen- 
ealogies "  cited,  206. 
Anghiera,  Tietro  JMartire  d\  52, 126 

128,  176,  1!)3,  21!»,  228,  230. 
Ann,  nf  Oldenhtmj,  20(5. 
— ntigonus,  anecdote  of,  62. 
Anticpiaries,    Society     of.    London, 
XXIX.       Their       "  Archa^ologia " 
cite<l,  xviii,  xxix,  172,  226. 
Antonio,  Ihn,  Prior  of  t'rato,  Iviii,  53 

00,  11;],  214,  215.   ■ 
Apianus  (Bienewitz),  Petnis,  238. 
"  Archivologia"  cited,    xviii,  xxix, 

172,  226. 
Articles  necessary  for  the  Western 

Voyage,  162-107. 
Asher    George,  LL.D.,  his  "  Henry 

Hudson  "  cited,  228,  225. 
Atahuallipa,  144,  237. 
Aug-isttis,  Pn.ector  of  Snxnmi,  82. 
Austin  Friars,  Louchn,  Dutch  Clmrch 
m,  206. 


Auxentius,  Bishop  nf  Milan,  131. 

Avezac,  Marie  Armand  Pascal  d", 
180,  222,  223,  225,226;  his  edition 
of  Cartier's  "  Bref  Recit "  cited. 
l'J7. 

B. 

Badajos,  Congress  of,  231. 
Baiona,  Law  of,  240  n. 
Rale,  John,  135,  i;J6. 
Rarbary,  English  trade  witli,  1.3, 190, 
191 ;  manner  of  electing  the  Princp 
of,  101. 
Rarlow,  Cajpt.  Arthur,  173,  193. 
Baronius,  Caesar,  his  "Annales  Ec- 
clesiastic!," 233. 
Bartlett,  lion.  John  Russell,  LL.D., 
229 ;  his  "  Catalogue  of  the  John 
Carter  Brown  Library  "  cited,  2;J8. 
Basanier,  Martin,  200. 
Bayle,   Pierre,   187;    his   "Diction- 
ary "  cited,  210. 
Bellinger,  Stephen,  26,  84. 
Benzoii,  Girolamo,  01,  140,  237;  his 
"Histtria  del  Mondo  Nuovo"  (Hak- 

luyt  80-.  Ed.)  cited,  238,  240  n. 
Best,  G.'oige,  his  "  True  Discourse 

of  the  ate  Voyages  "  cited,  206. 
Beza,  Theodore,  180. 
Riddle,  :?,cliard,  178,  227  ;  false 
charge  against  Hakluvt  brougiit 
by,  194  ;  his  "  Memoir  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot"  cited,  203,  216,219, 
229,  2;J0.  >        >        ,        , 

"  Riographia     Britannica "      cited, 

xxxviii  n. 
Birch,  Thomas,  D.D.,  his  "Life  of 

Sir      Walter      Raleigh"     cited, 

xxvii,  n. 
Rodenham,  Roger,  164. 
Rohn,  Henry  G.,  xv  n.,  232. 
Bourbon,  Charles  de,  Cardinal,  26. 
Bourne,  H.  R.  B'ox,  his  "  Memoir  of 

Sir  Philip  Sidnej  "  cited,  Iviii  n. 


1 


24G 


INDEX. 


Brnzil,  ITiipupnot  Colon}'in,  181-187. 
IJrt'Voort,  John   (Larson,  iiiti  "  Vlt- 

rn/iiiio  tlic  Navigator  "  cited,  182, 

107,  -230. 
Bristol,   Kill/land,  smnllncsg  of   the 

sliips  iisL'il  at,  80  ;  rwords  of  tlie 

eiiapter  of  tlie  Catiiedral  at,  cited, 

xxxviii. 
Britlsli  Museuiii,  London,  xvi,  xxiil, 

I'JO,  220,  221. 
Brown,  AVu.  I-Vcdoriek,  xvli. 
Brown,  John  Carter,  library  of,  213, 

22!),  238. 
Brnco,  John,  F.R.S.,  xviii,  xix. 
Bruni't,  Jac(|ues  Chark-a,  his,  "  Man- 
uel du  Librairo  "  cited,  229,  238, 

231). 
Bry,  Theodore  de,  186,  193. 
"  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Geogra- 

phie,"  Paris,  cited,  222. 
Bulls  of  Concession  and  Partition, 

notes  on  the,  2;52-23{3. 
Biirhorowate,  (34. 
Burleigh,  see  "  Cecil." 
Butrigarius,  Galeatius,  228. 

c. 

Cabot,  John,  xxvi,  122,  125,   194, 

211,  223,   224,   220,  227;  extract 

from  the  patent  of,  80. 
Cabot,  Louis,  8(i,  12.5. 
Cabot,  Sancho,  80,  125. 
Cabot,  Sebastian,  li,  liv,  19,  86,  101, 

110,  122,  123,  125-128,  147,   179, 

192-194,  222-229;    note    on    the 

Mappe-Monde  of,  223-227. 
"  Calendar  of  State  Papers  "  cited, 

xxix,  xxxii,  xxxiv,  XXXV,  172-174, 

188,  216. 
Calvin,  John,  184-186. 
Camden,  William,    his  "  Annals  of 

Elizabeth  "  cited,  236. 
Camden  Society,  the,  195. 
Canada,    expedition    to,    from    St. 

Malo,  France,  101. 
Cancell,  Luis,  183. 
Caradoc  of  Llancarvan,  119,  221. 
Carakas,  64. 
Carli,  Fernando,  218. 
Carlyle,   Christopher,    xxx,    xxxiii, 

xlvii-1,  liv,  175,  202. 
Carthagena,  05. 
Cartier,  Jacques,  li,  7,8,86,  111,  116, 

148,  180 ;  extract  from  his  account 

of  his  voyage,  27-28;  his  "Bref- 

Kecit"  cited,  197. 
Casas,    Bartolome    de  las,   Bp.  of 

C/iiapa,  71,  72,  77,  145,  210. 
Cassimir,  .John,  Ditke,  82. 


Castillo,  Don  Antonio  dl,  113,  215, 

210. 
Castro,  Joiio  Bnufista  de,  215. 
Cathay,  northwest  passage  to,  108- 

117. 
Catherine  di  Medici,  lix  n. 
Cayley,  Arthur,  171. 
Cecil,  William,  Lord  Burleigh,  ix,  Ix, 

172,  188, 
Cevola,  112. 

Clmnipernoun  family,  the,  xlii. 
Chancellor  Hichard,  226. 
Charles  IL  of  Kni/laiid,  173. 
Charles  V.  'Emperor,  24,  40,  41,  50- 

52,  57,  81,  91,  120,  144,  149,  166, 

183,  200,  207. 
Charles  IX.  of  Fnwrc,  148, 187. 
Clharlewood],  Jlohn],201. 
Chartier.  William,  184,  180. 
Chichimici  /nilidits,  the,  47,  208. 
China,  see  "  Cathay." 
Christopher,  Prince  of  Emden,  200. 
Chrysostoni,  John,  l^ninl,  130,  131. 
Churchill,  John,  his  "  Collection  of 

Voyages  "  citi'd,  222. 
CliytraMis,  Nathan,  his  "  Variorum 

in    Europa     Itinerum    Deliciuj," 

225,  220. 
Cieza  de  Leon,  Pietro,  his  "  Ilistorie 

del  Peru,"  237. 
Clarke,  Uichard,  211. 
Clement  VII.  Pope,  50. 
Cleves,  William,  Duke  of,  50,  82. 
Cointa,  Jean,  185. 
Coligny,  Gaspard  de..  Admiral,  xliil, 

xlvi,  184,  185,  187. 
Collier,  John  Payne,  xxix,  172, 173. 
Colonization,  importance  of,  95-103. 
Columbus,   Bartholomew,  120,  121, 

140. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  11,  119,121, 

122,   124,  126-128,  137,  138,  140, 

195,  222,  228,  230. 
Columbus,  Diego,  119, 
Columbus,  Ferdinand,  120,  128,  228  ; 

his    Life   of    'he    Admiral    cited, 

119,  120,  137,  222 ;  see  also  "  Ilar- 

risse,  H." 
Congress  of  Jladajos,  231. 
Constantius  II.,  Emperor,  131. 
Coro,  04. 
Coronado,  Francesco  Vasquez  de,  28, 

30,  86,  98,  99,  112,  116,  198,  200, 

212. 
Cortereal,  Anus,  113,  215,  210. 
Cortereal,  Gaspar,  32,  80,  148,  203, 

204,  238. 
Cortes,  Hernando,  97,  98,  211,  212, 

229. 
Cravaliz,  Augustino,  211. 
Crignon,  Pierre,  197. 


INDEX. 


247 


Cronke,    J//-. ,   uf  Smkihamnion, 

201. 
Crux,   Mdnjiiis  de  la,  see   "  Santa 

Crux." 
Culm,  idlnud  of,  08,  73. 
CudruiiiKiiy,  Indian  deity,  7. 
Cuiuuuu,  G4. 

D. 

■Paus,  Jolin,  200. 

Davis,  Joliii,  11)5. 

Deaiio,  Charles,  /./"../).,  Editor's 
pri't'atory  noto  si^tiicl  by,  xiii,  xiv; 
his  "  lU'inarks  on  Cabot's  Mappe- 
Mondf  "  cited,  226. 

De  Hry,  see  "  Hry." 

Do  Costa,  llti:  Uiiijamin  F.,  182. 

Dee,  /'i:  John,  xlviii;  "JHary  of," 
cited,  I'Jo. 

De  Lcau,  Mr. ,of  Morlaix, France, 

llo. 

De  l-ery,  sec  "Lory." 

"  Deli),'ht,"  .-(/)//»,  202,  211. 

Denis,  Jean  Ferdiiiaiid,  his  "  Portu- 
gal, Uistoiru  et  description  "  cited, 
216. 

Denmark,  English  trade  with,  15. 

Derniot  Mac  Morough,  Kiix/  of  Lein- 
sla;  134. 

De  Soto,  Fernando,  183,  184. 

D'Ewes,  Sir  Sinionds,  his"  Journal" 
cited,  172. 

Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal,  his  "  Ver- 
dadera  Historia  "  cited,  234. 

Dibdin,  Thomas  Frognall,  his  "  Ty- 
pographical Anti(iuities  of  Great 
Britain  "  cited,  183. 

Donnacona,  Imlian,  28,  112. 

Doria,  .lohn  Andrew,  Prince,  93, 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  xx.vii  h.,  lix,  11, 
67,  01,  83,  15'J,  18'.l,  I'JO,  215,  220, 
235, 239  ;  "  The  world  encomi)assed 
by"  cited,  189,190;  "Sir  Francis 
Dral<e  Revived"  cited,  239. 

Dudley,  Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  ix, 
xxxvii,  xlvii  n.  Ix. 

E. 

Eden,  Richard,  his  "  Decades  of  the 
new  worlde,"  228,237  ;  cited,  177, 
178,  180,  184,  220,  227,  229,  231, 
232. 

"Edinburgh  Review"  cited,  xxvii  n. 

Edwards,  Edward,  171 ;  his  "Life  of 
Kaieigli "  cited,  xlvi. 

Elizabeth,  of  Ewjlaiul,  viii-x,  xxxi, 
xxxiv,  xxxviii,  xl,  xli,  xliv,  xlvi, 
xlvii,  liv,  Ivi-lviii,  Ix,  Ixi,  89,  101, 
117,  172,  173,  175,  189,  190,  101, 
193,  194,  201,  204,  216,  224,  230. 


Elliott,  Hugh,  120. 

Emden,  EwIh  of  40,  50,  205,  200. 

Eniniamiel  o/'/'urtm/dl,  10,  148,  215. 

Englanil,  political,  religious  and  com- 
mercial condition (jf,  in  1684,  lv-l.\i. 

English  trade,  state  of,  in  1684,  13- 
18;  importance  of  the,  in  Flanders, 
40. 

Enno  II,  Earl  of  Emden,  200. 

Enriquez,  Hcatfix,  222. 

Estanceiin,  Louis,  197. 

Evans,  Robert,  xxiii  n. 

Evans,  U.  II.,hiseditionof  Ilakluyt's 
collection  of  voyages,  xxiii. 

Ezhard,  Earl  (f  Emden,  200. 

F. 

Fabyan,  Robert,  125. 

Fenton,  Edward,  11,  83. 

Fen  wick,  Mrs.  John  Edward  Addi' 
son,  XV  n. 

Ferdinand  of  Arariim,  121,  130. 

Fisher,  .lohn,  Jl/i.  (f  /iorlnsli r,  182. 

Flanders,  English  trade  with,  16. 

Fletcher,  Nir.  James,  his  "  World 
encompassed  by  Sir  Fr.  Drake  " 
cited,  189,  190. 

Fletclier,  AVy.  James  C,  see  "  Kid- 
der, 1).  P." 

Florida,  extent  of  the  name.  Hi  n.,  102, 
193;  character  of  the  natives  of, 
CO  ;  Huguenot  colony  in,  187  ;  dis- 
covery of,  230. 

Florin,  Juan,  219,  233. 

Florio,  .Jean,  180. 

Folsom,  George,  liis  "  Catalogiic  of 
Documents  relating  to  Maine " 
cited,  xviii. 

Forster,  Joiin  Reinhold,  his  "  Voy- 
ages and  Discoveries  in  the  North," 
214. 

Fox,  Cdiit.  Luke,  xvi  n. 

Fracastor,  Hieronymo,  227,  228. 

Frami)ton,  .lolin,  19(). 

I'rance,  English  trade  with,  16. 

Francis  I.  of  France,  50, 108, 148, 150, 
181. 

Fredcri(^k  II.  of  Denmark,  10. 

Friseland,  Ann,  Coitnless  cf  205. 

Froliisher,  Sir  Martin,  ix,  xliv,  xlviii, 
11,  34,  102,  109,  188,  204,  206,  219. 

Froude,  James  Anthony,  x,  Ix  ;  his 

"History  of  England"  cited,  viii, 
189,  190,  209,  216. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  D.D.,  his  "  Holy 
and  Profane  State  "  cited,  189. 

Fiimce,  Situr  de  Genille  INIart.,  his 
translation  of  Goniara's  General 
History,  229,  231,  230-237. 


248 


INDEX. 


[  1 
I  i 


G. 

rnu'tim,  Jiuin,  1  IK. 

(iiilvann,  Antonio,  170. 

(iiiiniiKi',  liarliiirii,  xlvii  n. 

(icinnm,  Frisiiis,  Ki-incrus,  118,  238. 

(iiblis,  •IiinieH,  his  triuiHlutinii  of  Osu- 
rio,  •-';{!». 

(iilliiTt,  Adriim,  xlv,  xlviii,  V.)i). 

(iil!)i'rt,  .S(V  Iliniipliri'V,  i.\,  x,  xxvi, 
xxvii,  xxix,  xliii-xlv,  xlvii  ti,  I, 
liii-lv,   Ixi,    m.  ;!1,  id,    171,   171, 

111;!,  vx,,  ^oi-'joa,  211,  221,  'SM. 

Giriiva,  IliiTonvino,  148,  ii.']8. 

"(iol.lun  Iliiul,""  ship,  xlv,  liii,  201, 
202. 

Goiniira,  Francesco  Lopez  (If,  127- 
121),  i:!l,  in,  117,  17((,  178,  2:!1; 
liig  "IIi.st()ria  general  dc  las  In- 
(lias,  "cited,  150,  '.18.  145,  151,  184, 
200,  212,  221),  2;i0,  2I!2,  237,  2;!8 ; 
liis  '  Ilistoria  dt'  Mexico,"  cited, 
1)7,  208,  211,  212,  2;!7;  sketch  of, 
2211.   Seoal.so  "  Kuniee,"  "Ziietti." 

Goniez,  Estavan,  11,  7,  22,  24,  25, 
8(1,  230;  sketch  of  his  voyage, 
170-178. 

Gomez,  Violantc,  215. 

(lorges,  /.(iiil  Ivlward,  xx. 

Gorges,  .S/cFerdinando,  xvii,  xix,xx. 

"(iorgi's  I'aiiers,"  tlie,  xviii-xx. 

(Josnold,  IJnrthoioinew,  11)4. 

(ionrgiies,  I)on)ini(|ue  fl<',  40,  209. 

(iriiliain,  Thomas  J.,  234. 

(irainer,  .Mattiiew,  35. 

Green,  Mrs.  .Mary  Anne  Everett,  xix 
-xxii,  xxxi,  xxxvi,  xl  n. 

Gregory  XIII.,  V'o/ic,  xl  ti. 

Grijiilva,  Juan  f/c,  07,  08,  211. 

(irindali,  Kdnuind,  Arrhhiahoji,  20(5. 

Guise,  Henry,  Dake  of,  xxxii  ».,  Ivii. 


IT. 

Ilaclia,  04. 

llacket,  Tliomas,  his  edition  of  Ri- 
liault's  Narrative,  100,  213. 

Ilakhiyt,  Kicharil,  Jiis  services  to  Sir 
Waiter  Raleigh,  xxx-xxxiii,  xlviii 
-li;  letter  of,  to  Sir  Francis  Wals- 
ingliam,  xxxii  h.;  grant  of  a  stall 
in  Bristol  C'atliedral  to,  xxxviii; 
his  "  Principal  Navigations,  Voy- 
ages, &c,"  1581),  cited,  172,  lli3,  2(fl, 
207,  21 1, 220, 222, 235, 237,  230 ;  his 
"Principal  Navigations,"  1598- 
1000,  cited,  171-173,  180.  188-11(3, 
11)8-202, 207, 209, 212, 216, 210, 222, 
225,  220, 230  ;  his  "  Principal  Navi- 
gations," 1809,  xxiii ;   his  "  Divers 


Vovnges,"  1582,  cited,  xxvil.  181, 

ion',    1!»7.  207.  211,   213-210,  211), 

223,  2311;  his  "Divers   Voyages." 

(Ilakluyt    SiH'ietv's     VA.),    cited, 

xxxix  ».,  178,  UHJ,  216,  231,  232, 

23H. 
Ilakluvt,  \l'Khn,r(\,  of  the  Middle  Tern- 

I'll,  171. 
Ilakluyt  Society,  the,  178,  181),  190, 

205,  214,  2I5,*231,  232,  238,  240  n. 
Hall,  liowlaml,  100. 
Harford,  ('.  II.,  xvii. 
I'ariot,  Thomas,  his  "  Briefennd  true 

Ifeport,"  103. 
Ilarrisse,     Ili'nri,   his    "  Bihllothpca 

Americana    \'etiistiKsinia  "    cited, 

180.   238;   his  "  Fernand  Colomb. 

Kssai  critiiine,"  222. 
Harvard  College  Lihrary,  xv  h.,  170. 
Hawkins,  Sir  John,  iix,  67,  05,  105, 

207,  220. 
Hawkins,  William,  83. 
Iliives,  Kdward,  xlv,  xlvii,  175,  201, 

202. 
Henry  ofPortwinl,  113,  214-21G. 
Henr}'  ll.  nf'  /un/ltiiid,  131. 
Henry  II.  nf  l-'ninrc,  148. 
Henry  III,  nf  Fnince,  xxxii  u.,  Ivii, 

108. 
Henry  IV.  ofrram-c,  108. 
Henry  VW-'o/' Kmihiml,  li.  10,80,  89, 

101,  no,  il7,  119,   120,  121,  124, 

127,  137,  140,  147,  102. 
Ili'nry  VIII.  of  E,„iliw,l,  41,  59,  80, 

117,  120,  12(i,  147,   182,  210,  217; 

title  of  Defender  of  the  Faith  be- 
stowed upon,  182. 
llerrera,  Antonio  dc,  171,  170;    his 

"  liistoria  general  de  los  Castella- 

nos  "  cited,  232. 
Hesse,  Philip,  J.(nidt/rave  of,  51. 
Hesse,  William,  /^iiiid(/riin'  of,  82. 
llilarius,  J'ictaricnsi.i,  Ilji.  of  Poitiers, 

Saint,  131. 
"Hind,  Golden,"  ship,  xlv,  liii,  201, 

202. 
Ilindo,  John,  201. 
Hispaniola,  islanil  of,  08,  73. 
llogan,  Kilninnil,  190. 
Iloiliein,  Hans,  224. 
Holmes,  Ahiel,  />.£).. his  "Memoir 

of  Parmenins"  cited,  203. 
llolocotiira,  Indian,  40. 
Honduras,  00. 
llortop.  Job,  207. 
Howard,   Charles,  Earl  of  Notling- 

ham,  xxxviii  n. 
Huguenot  colony  in  Florida,  187. 
Humboldt,     Alexaniler       \'nn,      his 

"Examen   Critique"   cited,  232; 

his  "  Cosmos  "  cited,  ib. 


n^" 


INDEX. 


249 


I. 

InKrnni,  Dnvid,  llo,  207  ;  IiIh  "Rf- 

liitioii."  '22*)--2-2\. 
IrviiiK',  H'lisliiiiKton,  2:;2  ;  his"  Lift- 

(if  Colimiliiin  "  citud,  2;iL',  'iliB. 
Isniicllii  tlio  (,'iitliolic,   11,  121,   lot) 

l:!7. 
IhIiiikIs  ill  till' (Jiilf  of  Mexico,  08-70. 
Ivan  IV.  ifliHuniii,  10. 

J. 

.Tnmnicii,  island  of,  (18,  73. 
Jniiu',s  I.  nf  Eiiiihtml,  xlvi,  194. 
".Iiiiii/iulos,"  il)l. 
.Iiiimii,  KiiifTof,  xl  It. 

tleii,vn>rc's  (Ji'iiiiiriKN), ,  40. 

JiTdnu'  (S()]ihr(miii.s  Kiiseiiius  Ilior- 

iiiiymiis),  Siiiiit,  1|:!. 
.Tolm,  /■;«//■/  o/'  Emiliii,  20ti. 
.lolili,  Kliiii  «)/■  lJ,-i,mnrh,  1 18. 
.folm  I,  n/  /',„-tii,/fil,  11!(. 
Joliii  II.' (i//'(,iiiii/(il,  110,  141. 
.lolin  IV.'ofO/di'iiliiin/,  200. 
Jdhii   Frederick,  Elcclur  of  Saxon i/, 

Joluison  &  Oralmm  v.  Mcintosh,  m.^p 
o/\  citiMJ,  2:i4. 

Joiiiard,  KdiiH-  Francois,  his  "  ftfonu- 
nicnis  dc  la  (it'o-iraiihiu,"  223. 

Jones,  John  Winter,  xxix,  2ir);  Ids 
inlroduciion  to  the  Unkliivt'  .So- 
ciety's  Kd.  of  tile  "Divers  Voy- 
ages "  citeil,  .xxxviii  n.,  2.'il,  232. 

"Jouriinl  of  tlie  House  of  Lords" 
cited,  17-_'. 

"  J wW'h,"  Uirk;  189. 

Juan,  Prince  of  Spain,  179. 


Lancaster,  Sir  James,  xxxiv,  xl  n. 
Langiiet,  Iluhert,  Iviii. 
Las  Casas,  see  "  Ca.sas." 
Laudonniere,  Keue'  Goulaine  de,  xxx 
148,  187,  209.  ' 

Lea,  Edward,  D.D.,  41,  120,  207. 


Leicester,  see  "  Dudley." 

Lemon,    Hohert,     xxxiv,    xxxv    n. 

xl  n.  ' 

Lemovne,  .hinic.s,  xliii. 

Lf  Neve,  .loliii,  his  "Fasti   Eccleslto 
AiiKJicaniu  "  cited,  xxxviii  h. 

I-co  .\.  (Giovanni  di  Medici),  Jane, 
182.  228.  ' 

Lery,  J,,in  de,  185,  180. 

Lescarhot,  Marc,  his  "  Ilistoiro  de  la 
Notivflle  France"  cited,  l'.l«. 

I^loy.l,  Ilmnphrey,  his  "  llistorlo  of 
(  aniliria,"  221. 

Lockhart,  J(din  Ingram,  his  transla- 
tion of  Menial  Dinz  cited,  2;i4. 

Lok,  Micliael,  liii.  111,  21(1,  217. 

Lonil>ard,  I'eter,  143. 

London,  see  "  Anti(iiMrie8,"  "Austin 

_  Friiirs,"  "  Hriiisli  .Museum,"  &e. 
London  Geographical   Magazine," 
1 82. 

Loi>c/,  Diego,  of  Sequeriit,  141. 
i-oi(l.s,   Il.ui.se  of.  Journal  of  the, 
cited,  172. 

Lowndes,  William    Tliomas,  xv  n. 

xxiii  n.  ' 

Llliz,  I'rilirr  n/-  Porlil,/ii/,  216. 

Lutlicr,  iMartin,  182,'  183. 


82 


M. 

Mclnto.sh,  William,  234. 

''^'Tis""2''i'  *"'"'"'   ^'^•>'"^*'''  P''"". 

Madrid,  Hoyjd  Academy  of,  179 

Magellan,  Fernando  il,;  170. 

Maimlioiirg,  Louis,  187. 

Maire  Historical  Society,  extract 
trom  the  records  of  the,  viii ;  I'uh- 
lications  of  the,  xxv  ;  their  "  Docu- 
mentary History  of  Maine,"  xxv 
M,  cited,  17(j,  197,203,223,225* 
fb    230,  238;  sec   also,    "Kohl," 

Major,  Richard  llonrv,  F.S.A  m>- 
his  "  Early  Voyage;  to  Terra' Airs- 
tralis  cited,  107  ;  his  "  \'ovages 
ot  the  Zeno  Hrothers,"  214;  Ids 
paper  on  the  Zeno  voyages  iii  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Society's  IVoceedings, 
>l>.:  his  "True  Date  of  the  Discov- 
ery of  the  American  Continent," 

Malta,  Knights  of,  14. 
IMarche,  Jean  de  la,  102. 
Jlarcidini,  Francesco,  213. 
iAIargarita,  island  of,  08. 
Jlarnix  r,/«  Sainte  Aldegonde,  Filing 
I  «»,  54,  68,  69,  209.  ^ 


250 


INDliX. 


MiirNlmll,  (^hi)f  JuMirt  John,  lii* 
opinion  in  tlu*  ciiho  of  iIoIiimoii 
nnd  Uraliani   v.   Mcliilosli   uitoil, 

Marilmll  T.  \V.  M.,  liiN  "  Cliriiitian 

Mlisions  "  citcil,  187. 
"  Martin,  Mary,"  nhip,  gunk  by  Algo- 

rini'  piriitcH,  15. 
Martyr,  I'utcr,  Hoe  "  An({liiora." 
Mary,  Qmin  nf  Kmilaml,  147. 
"  Mary  of  Guiidfonl,"  .v/*//.,  221. 
Mary,  (^luvn  nf'  //nwiiiri/,  207. 
Mary,  Qunn  o/.Sfnin,  Ivil. 
"  Mary  Martiii,"  1////1,  15. 
Ma»Hai;liuwc'ttH    Historical     Society, 
"Collections"    of    tin-,   cited,   2();1 ; 

"  I'rocecdiiijts "  of  tlio,  citi'd,  21 1. 
Mather,  Cotton,   /).  I).,  hit)  "  Mag- 

iiaha  "  cited,  1K(5,  1H7. 
Metlici,  Catherine  di,  lix  n. 
Mei'ici,  Giovanni  di,  see  "Leo  X." 
Melo,  Francis  ile,  141. 
Mondoza,  bm  Antonio  de,  28,  98, 99, 

IIG,  IW,  212. 
Mendoza,  l)on  Hernanlino  de,  189. 
Menendez.  I'edro,  07,  l'J2. 
Mercator,  (u-rardus,  111,219. 
Mercator,  lluniold,  114. 
Mcnrsius,  Johannes,  cited,  209,  210. 
Mollineiix,  I'jneric,  194. 
Monardus,  Niciiolas,  M.  />.,  extracts 

from  his  "  Joyful  newes  out  of  tiic 

New  founde  Worlde,"  21,  22  :  ac 

count  of,  196. 
Motley,  Jolin   Lothrop,    LL.D.,  Ids 

"  United  Netiierlands  "  cited,  lix  n., 

171,  209. 

Muffett,  Vapt. ,  48. 

Munoz,  Juan  Baiitista,  his  "  Historia 

del  Nuevo  Mundo  "  cited,  2:!;j. 
Murpliy,  //oh.  Henry  C,  217,  218; 

liis    "  Voyage     of     Verrazzano " 

cited,  182,   197,  198,  219. 
Murray,  Jolin,  ids  "  Ilund-book  of 

Gloucestersliire  "  cited,  xv  n. 

N. 

Napier,  Macvey,  Ins  article  on  Sir 
Walter  Haleigli  cited,  xxvii  n. 

Navarrete,  Martin  Fernandez  rfe.  Ins 
"  Coleccion  de  los  Viages  "  cited, 
232,  230. 

Nicaragua,  66. 

Nicliols,  John,  F.S.A.,  his  "Liter- 
ary Anecdotes  "  cited,  xxiii  n. 

Nichols,  Tlioinas.his  "  Pleasant  His- 
toric of  tiie  conquest  of  the  Weast 
India  "  cited,  208,  211. 

Nombro  di  Dios,  66. 


Northwest  pannag"  to  China,  109-117. 

Northwick,  Jolin  Kiisliout,  Lord, 
XV  II. 

Norund)egR,  xxl ;  extent  of  the  name, 
Hi ;  rca^ions  why  the  Fnglisli 
nhould  luidertake  the  planting  of, 

ir.2-ioi. 

Nottingham,  Charles  Howard,  Earl 
of,  xxxviii,  n. 

o. 

Oath  demanded  of  English  mer- 
chants trading  in  Spanish  domin- 
ions, 17. 

OldvH,  William,  171,  172;  his  "Life 
of  Uali'igh  "  cited,  xxvii  n. 

Oiniphrius,  sec  "  I'anvinius." 

Orange,  William  of,  see  "  William 
of  Nassau." 

Ortelius,  Abraham,  60,  01,  102. 

Osorio  Hieronymo.  10;  his  "  De 
rebus  gestis  Fnninuelis  "  cited,  77, 
2;i9  ;  extract  from  Seiiuanus's  pref- 
ace to,  240-241. 

Oviedo  y  Valdcs.Gonzalo  Fernandez 
(A',  7,  120,  14'!,  149,  170,  17H,  179, 
228;  extract  from  an  Italian  trans- 
lation of  his  "  Suinario,"  24-25; 
his  "  Suinario "  cited,  177  ;  ac- 
count of  his  writings,  179. 

P. 

Packard,  Alpheus  S.,  /)./).,  note  of 

the   Standing   Committee   signed 

by,  vii-xi. 
Palfrey,  John  Gorham,  LL.D.,  xviii, 

xxi. 
Panvinins,  Onuphrius,  185. 
Paris,  Fram-i',  Bulletin  of  the  Geo- 
graphical Society  of,  cited,  222 ; 

National  Liltrary  at,  22.S,  225,  227. 
Parkman,  Francis,  his  "  Pioneers  of 

France  in  the  New  World  "  cited, 

184,  187,  198. 
Parma,  Alexander,  Princeof,  xxxii «., 

Ivii,  lix. 
Parmenius,  Stephen  ;  extracts  from 

a  letter  of,  31-32,  202. 
Parmcntier,  Jean,  197. 
Peckham,   Sir  George,  xlvii,   1,  lii, 

liv,    171,    175,    195;    his    "True 

Keport  of  the  late  Discoveries," 

30,  201.  202. 
Perosse,  Valeron,  34. 
Plnlip  IL  of  Spam.  Ivi,  17,  49,  52,  55, 

50,  68,  7^,  81,  93, 116,  156, 174, 176, 

183,  191,  209,  216,  216. 


INDEX. 


251 


riiillipn,  Milon,  47,  r>7,  207,  208,  220. 

Pliillipps,  iS(V  ThoiimM,  xiv,  xvi-xix, 
xxi-xxiii,  xxvi,  xxxv,  xli ;  Ciitii- 
loKUO  of  liii«  colluctlun  of  MMS. 
cilcd,  XV  H,  IH'.I. 

I'icrriii,  r,,/,/.  All)ort  </«  la,  100,  213. 

I'iiiHoii,  Hi(.'hanl.  1H2. 

I'iziirro,  Knuicisro,  M4. 

riuliim,  niirtlioloiiu'W,  1!S5. 

I'oiiw  (If  Lion,  .Juan,  128. 102,  230. 

I'opclliiiiorf,  liiiiici'Iot  Voiwiii  Siii/n- 
eiir  (/(!  la,  his  "  Lea  Trois 
Mnn.len,"  47,  V2.\  20'J. 

Porto  (le  Caviillos,  (10. 

l'ortiiKiH>!ii-,  nunibur  of  their  soldiers 
in  till-  Iiiilic's,  (10. 

roati'l,  (iuiiiauiiu'.  113. 

Powei,  Diiviil,  />./>.,  2'21. 

Pri'scott,  Willium  H.,  L^.D.,  220; 
lii»  "  C<m(i\ii'8t  of  Mexico  "  citi'il, 
180;  Ills  "  CoiKiucst  of  Peru,"  2;j8. 

Prini^,  Martin,  l'J4. 

Pryliouse,  iMr. ,  of  Guernsey,  102. 

Public!  Hecoril  t)flli;e,  [/md<m,  xxxvi, 
xxxvii,  xl  n.  175;  "Calenilar  of 
State  I'apers  "  eiteil,  xxix,  xxxii, 
xxxiv,  xxxv,  172-174,  188,  2K1. 

Purclias,  liiiK  Samuel,  240  ». ;  his 
"  Pilgrinies  "  citeil,  180,  H»o,  210, 
210,  220,  224,  225,  2:!(j ;  his  "  Pil- 
grinm^c  "  ■ted,  xl  n. 

Puttiek  &  Simpson,  Messrs.,  xxi  n. 
xxU,  xxiii, 

R. 

Kaleinh,  Carew,  171. 

Kaleigli,  .S'(V  Walter,  x,  xxvii,  xxviil, 
XXX,  xxxi,  xxxii  ».,  xxxiii-xxxv, 
xxxvii-xlii,  xliv,  xlv,  liv,  Iv,  lix- 
Ixi,  173,  175,  102-105,  200,  211; 
Ilia  indcljtedness  to  llakluyt,  xxx- 
xxriii ;  sketch  of  his  American 
I)lans,  Mii-li ;  spellin;;  of  the  name, 
171;  date  of  his  kninhtliood,  172; 
Birch's  Life  of,  cited,  xxvii  n. ; 
Mrs.  Thomson's  Life  of,  cited, 
xxvii  n. ;  St.  John's  Life  of,  cited, 
xxvii  H.,  xxxv  n.,  xlvii  n.,  172; 
Kdwards's  Life  of,  cited,  xlvi. 

l?nnie,  Alfred,  180. 

Hamusio,  Giovamii  Battista,  xxxv, 
177,  178,  180,  181,  108,  109,  213, 
210,  223,  227  ;  his  "  Uaccolta  di 
Navigazioni  e  Viaggi  "  cited,  Hi, 
7.  10,  25,  32,  108-110,  115,  107, 
203,  228  ;  account  of  the  work  of, 
178-179. 

Eaynaldus,  (Rinaldi)  Odoricus,  his 
"  Annales  Ecclesiastici"  cited,  233. 


Read,  John  Meredith,  Jan.,  his 
"  Itiiitorieal  In(|iilry  concerning 
Ilenrv  Hu<Lxiin  "  cited,  171. 

"  Hetrospective  Heview  "  citeil,  230. 

"  Hevuo  des  Deux  Mondes"  cited, 
215. 

"  Heynolds,"  kirk,  15,  101. 

Hilmult,  Jean,  li,  11,  21,40,  48,  07, 
8tl,  112,  118,  1H7,  102,  213;  hi« 
"  VVhole  and  trne  Dii-coveryo  of 
Tern,  Florida  "  cited,  20,  00,  113, 
105,  \M\. 

Uiliero,  '.  )iego,  170. 

Uichari'.  IL  »/'  /■ini/liniit,  80. 

Uicher,  I'ierre,  1H4,  IW. 

Kinaldi,  see  "  WMynaldiis." 

liolierval,  Jean  Franeois  de  In  Roque, 
Siiitr  <li;  148. 

Kocdie,  Troihis(/«  Mesgoiicts, il/drouM 
<l,f  lit,  2(1.  101,  108. 

Koyal  Academy  of  Madrid,  179. 

liiissia,  Knglisli  trade  with,  10. 

liut,  John,  210,  221. 


S. 


Sninsbnry,  W.  Noel,   xxxv,   xxxvi, 

173;   h"is  "Calendar  of  State  Pa- 
pers "  cited,  1H8. 
St.  Jolm,  .lames  Augustus,  his  "  Life 

of  Haleigh  "  cited,  xxvii «.,  xx  w  «., 

xlvii  II.,  172. 
St.  John  do   Porto  Rico,  island  of, 

G8,  73. 
St.  Lawrence,  discovery  of  the  Bay 

of  the,  213. 
St.  Malo,  Frnni'o,  expedition  from, 

to  Canada,  1(11. 
Samano,  .lulian,  183. 
"  San  Antonio,"  shij),  176. 
Sancta  Helena,  Fl'iriila,  (10. 
Sanders,  A'cy.  Jolm,  I'lilund  of  Bristol 

('nlliidnil,  xxxii  (i.,  xxxviii,  xxxix. 
Santa  Crux,  Alvaro  du  Bai/an,  Mar- 

i/uis  dt\  03. 
Santa  Marta,  lotvn,  G5. 
Sawlc,  R(  r.  Arthur,  xxxviii  n. 
Saxony,  KIrcio-.-s  <ii\  see  "Augustus," 

and  "John  Frederick." 
Scolno,  John  (John  of  Kolno),  148, 

238. 
Scott,  George  Gilbert,  xv  n. 
Sebastian,  Kim/  of'  Pur/ni/id,  87. 
Selini  II.  ';/'  Tuihi/,  14. 
Sequanus,  Johannes    ^letellus,   77 ; 

extract  from  his  preface  to   Oso- 

rio,  24(J,  241. 
Settle,  Dionyse,  188,  205. 
Sheffield,  Ladi/  Douglas    (Howard), 

xxxviii  n. 


252 


INDEX. 


Sidney,  Sir  Henry,  110,  221. 

Sidney,  Sir  I'liilip,  xxx,  xxxiii,  xl, 
xliii,  xlvii  u.,  xlix,  1,  liii,  Iviii, 
221 ;  Fox  Hourne's  "  Memoirs  of," 
cited,  Iviii  ii. 

Sidney,  Uobert,  xlvii  n. 

"Sidney  riipers,"  tiie,  cited,  1. 

Sinclair,  Henry,  Earl  of  Orkney 
(Zichnmi),  1^14. 

Sleidan,  Jolni,  his  "Chronicle,"  51, 
62,  cited,  40,  200,  207. 

"  Sloane  Mnis,"  British  Museum, 
cited,  220. 

Smith,  Buckingham,  1S2,  219. 

Smith,  L'li/it.  John,  his  "New  Eng- 
land's Trials  "  cited,  liii. 

Smiths, ,  Bristol,  Eiii/lmtd,  46. 

Soutliey,  Hobert,  his  "  History  of 
Brazil,"  187. 

Spaniards,  cruelty  of  the,  to  the  na- 
tives of  the  West  Indies,  71-80; 
not  regarded  kindly  by  other  na- 
tions, 81-82. 

Spotorno,  Giovanni  Battista,  his 
"  Memorials  of  Columbus  "'  cited, 
232,  2;«. 

Stafford,  Sir  Edward,  xxix,  xxx. 

Steelio,  Juan,  200. 

Stevens,  Henry,  xvi,  xx,  xxiii ;  liis 
"  Historical  and  (Jeographical 
notes"  cited,  xxiii,  2H0;  his  "  Se- 
bastian Cabot  John  Cabot," 

227. 

Strozzi,  Filipo,  82. 

Strype, /iVi'.  John,  his  "Ecclesiasti- 
cal Menorials "  cited,  18:!;  his 
"  Life  ot  (irindall  "  cited,  "06, 

"  Symerons,"  160,  239. 

T. 

Tevius,  Jacobus,  228. 

Thevet,  Andre,  184,  185,  187. 

'I'lionias,  James,  190. 

'riio.njjpon,  (J.  \V.,  xxii. 

Thomson,  Mrs.  Anthony  Todd,  her 

"  Memoirs   of    Sir   W.    Haloigli," 

cited,  xxvii  v. 
Thomson,   Sir   Peter,  xvi  n.,  xxii- 

xxiv;  his  libriry,  xxiii  n. 
Thorne,  Robert,  41.  12lj,  207. 
Thou,  Jacques  Aug'iste  de,  187. 
Tieknor,  George,  /./,./>., his  "  History 

of  Spanish  Literature  "  cited,  179, 

229. 
Timber,  scarcity  of,  in  England,  105. 
"  Toby,"  »■/;//>,  40. 
Trade,    state   of   English,    in   1584, 

13-10. 
Tres  Has,  see  "  Honduras." 


Trinidnda,  inland  of,  07. 
Tross,  Edwin,  180,  181,  197. 
Turkey,  English  trade  with,  14. 


tr. 

Ulloa,  Alfonso,  222. 
Utenhovius,  Joannes,  206. 


V. 

Valentia,  George  Annesley,  Lord, 
XV  n.,  xvi  n  ,  xxiii-xxv. 

Valverde,  Father  Vincent  de,  144, 
237. 

Var,  see  "  Vraga." 

Velasquez,  Diego,  98,  212. 

Vera  Crux,  00. 

Verrazzitno,  Jean,  li,  liii,  8,  22,  86, 
108,  113,  114,  148,  197,  230;  ex- 
tract from  tlie  account  of  his  voy- 
age, 22-24;  account  of,  181-182; 
the  voyage  and  map  of,  consid- 
ered, 210-210;  Mr.  Hrevoort's 
"  Verrazano  the  Navigator  "'  cited, 
182,  197,  230;  Mr.  Muri)liy'8 
"  Voyage  of  Verrazzano  "  cited, 
182,  197,  198,  219. 

Verrazzano,  Jerome,  map  made  by, 
218. 

Villegagnon,  Nicolas  Durand  de,  11, 
148,  184-180. 

Vincent,  Fatltrr,  see  "  Valverde," 

Vir^'i::ia,  extent  of  the  name,  193, 
1114. 

Voisin,  Henri  Lancelot,  see  "Popel- 
lini"re." 

Vraga,  05. 

w. 

Waad  (WadeK  William,  xxxii  n. 
AValsii,  /iVc.  K')bL"-t,  his  "  Notices  of 

Brazil"  cited,  18^. 
WaUingliam,  Sir  Francis,  ix,  xxix, 

xxx,    xxxiii,    X  txvii,    xxxix-xli, 

xlvii  ;;.,  xlix,  1,  liii,  Iv,  Ix,  Ixi,  173, 

195,  201,  21(5,  220,  221;   letter  of 

Hakluyt  to,  xxxii  i:. 
Western  iilanting,  list  of  articles  to 

be  carried  for,  102-107. 
West  Indies,  extent  of  the  Spanish 

donunion   in   the,  00-03 ;   cruelty 

of  the  Spaniardc  to  the  natives  of 

the,  71-80. 
Weston,  riowdon   Charles  .Tennett, 

his   "  Documents  connected  with 


INDEX. 


253 


the  History  of  Soutli   Carolina" 
cited,  221. 
Weymouth,  George,  194. 
"VVliitbourne,      6Viy//.     Kidiard,    his 
"  Discovery    of    Newfoundland  " 
cited,  201. 
William  of  Nassau,  Prince  ofOranne 

xlvi,  ivii,  63,  209. 
Williamson,  Sir  Joseph,  173. 
Willis,  Browne,  his  "  Survey  of  Eng- 
.,  i,r*'.'  <^-""'edrals  "  cited,  xx.xviii  „ 
Wiltshire  Magazine  of  Arelueolixry 
and  Natural  History  "  cited,  xvli 
XX.  ' 

Winthrop,  Robert  C,  LL.D.,  214 

Wolfall,  A'ey ,  Frubislier's  chap. 

lain,  188. 


Woods,  Leonard,  f).D.,  Prof".ce 
signe(l  l.y,  xv-xxiv;  Introduction 
signed  hy  xxv-lxi. 

Wool  tra  'e,  state  of  the  English.  163. 

Wyttiiet,  Cornelius,  194,  238. 


z.     , 

Zeno,  Antonio,  109. 

^'"oi'l  ^l"""""'*'  I'i' ;  voyages  c     he, 
^lo— 214. 

Zeno,  NiccoRi,  109. 

Zichmni,  .see  "  Kinclair,  Henry." 

Ziletti,   Giordan,  his  edition  of  Go- 

mani's  General  History  cited,  237. 


Cambridge:  Press  oi  John  Wilson  &  Son. 


